The role of the consumer-citizen in environmental protest in the 1990s

This paper links market‐based ‘protest’ strategies, as used recently by environmental protest groups and other sociations, to citizenship theory, seeking to open a debate about the role of the consumer‐citizen. It is suggested that such consumer‐citizenship, whereby protest and political action are encouraged through market mechanisms, and limited through state action, is an important feature of late‐modernity. The paper seeks to illustrate how advanced capitalist societies are producing reworked forms of rights relationships. This is discussed within the context of the rhetoric of ‘active’ citizenship as used in UK politics and through examples of recent environmental protests and other consumer‐citizen strategies.

How large is congressional dependence in agriculture. Bayesian inference about ‘scale’ and ‘scope’ in measuring a spatial externality

The political economy literature on agriculture emphasizes influence over political outcomes via lobbying conduits in general, political action committee contributions in particular and the pervasive view that political preferences with respect to agricultural issues are inherently geographic. In this context, ‘interdependence’ in Congressional vote behaviour manifests itself in two dimensions. One dimension is the intensity by which neighboring vote propensities influence one another and the second is the geographic extent of voter influence. We estimate these facets of dependence using data on a Congressional vote on the 2001 Farm Bill using routine Markov chain Monte Carlo procedures and Bayesian model averaging, in particular. In so doing, we develop a novel procedure to examine both the reliability and the consequences of different model representations for measuring both the ‘scale’ and the ‘scope’ of spatial (geographic) co-relations in voting behaviour.

The recuperated materiality of disability and animal studies

This chapter considers a perhaps unexpected connection between disability and animal studies, given disability studies' understandable reluctance to be associated with animal liberation/rights struggles. It finds that both fields remain rooted in ideas of experience and feeling, or the notion of an essential embodied experience, even while they offer up critiques of the way essentialism operates more broadly to disenfranchise or disadvantage the groups they represent. The chapter goes on to analyse what the implications are of this notion of 'embodiment' and the materialism that accompanies it, it foregrounds the contradictions that ensue, and then discusses what this means for the way political action is (and can be) conceived of.

Vår bästa tid är nu? : Om tidsuppfattning och politisk självförståelse

Our best time is now? On conception of time and political self-understanding This study regards time as a horizon for action and argues that conception of time has great implication for political self-understanding. In the study, the modern conception of time, with its orientation towards the future, is contrasted with the late modern conception of time, which is characterized by a de-legitimization of utopian thinking and by an orientation towards the present. Political action is changing, from a transformation of the present into the future, to a management of the present. In this situation the future is not perceived as something qualitatively different than present, but is, as Helga Nowotny puts it, reduced to an ‘extended present’. Or, to speak with Luhmann, the future is a ‘present future’ where only one ‘future present’ is conceivable. The future is in that sense increasingly closed. The paper argues that the current pragmatization of politics is partly due to changes in temporal representations, and suggests that more attention should be given to temporal semantics in political analysis.

Transnational feminism, globalisation, human rights and education

The article demonstrates how neo-liberal ideologies and market forces of
globalisation have produced new discourses in education, which have created new sites of political action and require a radical rethinking about feminist theorizing concerning gender equity in education. The article, in analysing the transformation of the social relations of gender and social stratification, draws from feminist, poststructuralist and postcolonial theories. The author concludes that there is need for redefining
feminist paradigms in global pedagogies. Such a new paradigm in feminist pedagogy, based on discourses of power, human rights and social justice should provide a foundation for improving the equity for girls and women in education and society globally.

The several social constructions of James, Jenks, and Prout: A contribution to the sociological theorization of childhood

The article is intended to contribute to the ongoing debate over theorizations of childhood, especially in the terms articulated by Allison James, Chris Jenkins and Alan Prout. The article focuses on the notion of social construction as a theory of childhood. There are four valid approaches to theorizing childhood. The tribal approach treats childhood as a kind of exotic tribe with its own beliefs, practices and institutions. The social structural approach treats childhood as a structurally necessary stratum in any society. The minority group approach treats childhood as an oppressed minority group, able to some extent to represent themselves and exert quasi-political action. The socially constructed approach constitutes the sociological view of childhood. The key role played by the idea of social construction is made extremely clear in the earlier work, Constructing and Reconstructing Childhood by James and Prout. Social constructionism is said to be an interpretive approach, related historically to research on children's understanding of adult experimenters' intentions. The senses of social construction that emerge from critical psychology overlap a great deal with those articulated in the new sociology of childhood.

How much physical activity is enough to prevent unhealthy weight gain? Outcome of the IASO 1st Stock Conference and consensus statement

A consensus meeting was held in Bangkok, 21–23 May 2002, where experts and young scientists in the field of physical activity, energy expenditure and bodyweight regulation discussed the different aspects of physical activity in relation to the emerging problem of obesity worldwide. The following consensus statement was accepted unanimously.
‘The current physical activity guideline for adults of 30 minutes of moderate
intensity activity daily, preferably all days of the week, is of importance for
limiting health risks for a number of chronic diseases including coronary heart disease and diabetes. However for preventing weight gain or regain this guideline is likely to be insufficient for many individuals in the current environment. There is compelling evidence that prevention of weight regain in formerly obese individuals requires 60–90 minutes of moderate intensity activity or lesser amounts of vigorous intensity activity. Although definitive data are lacking, it seems likely that moderate intensity activity of approximately 45 to 60 minutes per day, or 1.7 PAL (Physical Activity Level) is required to prevent the transition to overweight or obesity. For children, even more activity time is recommended. A good approach for many individuals to obtain the recommended level of physical activity is to reduce sedentary behaviour by incorporating more incidental and leisure-time activity into the daily routine. Political action is imperative
to effect physical and social environmental changes to enable and encourage physical activity. Settings in which these environmental changes can be implemented include the urban and transportation infrastructure, schools, and workplaces.’

Transnational citizenship: problems of definition, culture and democracy

There is widespread disagreement over whether transnational citizenship provides defensible extensions of, or meaningful complements to, national citizenship. A significant strand of criticism relies upon empirical arguments about political motivation and the consequences of transnationalism. This paper addresses two questions arising from empirical arguments relating to the nation state and democracy. Do the alleged cultural requirements for effective political action provide an insuperable barrier to transnational citizenship? Does transnational citizenship necessarily require a commitment to transnational democracy? I argue that these largely empirical criticisms do not succeed in casting doubt upon the normative plausibility or practical viability of transnational projects. On the first question, I point to a growing transnational political culture that serves to motivate transnational citizens. On the second question, I argue for a legitimate category of transnational citizenship that, although inspired by cosmopolitan morality, is different from it, and that does not require transnational democracy.

Educational organizations and gender in times of uncertainty

In this chapter I identify and elaborate, from a feminist perspective, upon the theoretical shifts and key concepts that inform sociological analyses of gender and educational organizations. Gender inequalities are embedded in the multi-dimensional structure of relationships between women and men, which, as the modern sociology of gender shows, operates at every level of experience, from economic arrangements, culture and the state to interpersonal relationships and individual emotions. (Connell, 2005: 1801) Even naming this a sociology of gender and organizations is problematic. Many sociologists consider gender as a key sociological concept, but not necessarily from a feminist perspective. Feminism is a multidisciplinary, transnational movement that 'focuses on the relationship between social movements, political action and social inequalities' (Arnot, 2002: 3) and on the everyday experiences of women and girls and how they translate into social and structural 'ruling relations' (Smith, 1988). Feminism takes on multiple trajectories and imperatives in different cultural contexts, although with familial resemblances, most particularly the shared objective of equality for women and girls. Education as a primary institution of individual and collective mobility and social change, but also social and economic reproduction, has long been a focus of feminist theory and activism. So a feminist sociology needs to address this complexity of feminist sociological 'encounters' with gender and organizations.

Witnessing Tibet

This thesis traces the development of diverse life-narrative practices in the Tibetan diaspora, arguing that these constitute a central form of non-violent transnational political action within which life-stories are presented as evidentiary and contestatory. In this, relationships of witnessing constitute an increasingly important, largely unrecognised, nexus between Tibetans and non-Tibetans.

The use of Western brands in asserting Chinese national identity

Chinese consumers employ Western brands to assert competing versions of Chinese national identity. These uses emerged from findings that Chinese form meanings of Western brands, drawing from select historical national narratives of East-West relations: the West as liberator and Western brands as instruments of democratization; the West as oppressor and Western brands as instruments of domination; the West as subjugated and Western brands, by their own subjugation, as symbolically erasing China’s past humiliations; and the West as partner and Western brands as instruments of economic progress. Our emergent theory elaborates processes by which Western brands are shaped by macrolevel, sociohistorical forces to motivate consumers’ responses to them as political action tied to nation making.

Active citizenship : an empirical investigation

This paper reports on a study of what active citizenship means from the perspective of citizens who are active within third sector organisations. It is based on an empirical study involving 1,610 respondents across 11 towns in six countries. The study explored how active citizenship is manifested, by gathering data on attitudes towards social changes and the forms and practices of active citizenship. There are two major, and apparently contradictory themes emerging in the data. The first theme provides a portrait of active engagement, proactively, and sometimes oppositionally working for a better world. On the other hand, citizens by and large avoid active oppositional engagement in the political process. They prefer to work collaboratively with government and to work at the local level. This second theme can be understood as social maintenance, support for existing structures that facilitates community cohesion, while providing relief for the disadvantaged, oftenwith a conservative charity orwelfare orientation. Following thework of Touraine, the study revealed how citizens act at the local rather than the national level, and focus on concrete issues and interpersonal relations rather than political action aimed at wider policy change. While this form of citizenship action can reflect a conservative form of maintenance, it is equally a creative new form of association and mutual support.

Towards a "non-didactic didacticism" of the sociopolitical: assemblages and the event in surface tension and shame

To write sociopolitical fiction is to be caught in an odd double bind. The term itself, ‘sociopolitical’ (hyphenated or not), implies an ‘assemblage’, and the terms it combines—‘the social’ and ‘the political’—each suggest complex, worldly assemblages. However, the more the writer attempts to express the assembled complexity of the sociopolitical domain, the more he/she feels a tug in the other direction: towards the version of ideas that might best explain the sociopolitical world and motivate political action. This article engages with the aesthetic and political challenges that arise in writing within a genre in which, to some extent at least, a moral content is desired by readers as an explanation for sociopolitical issues, only to be resisted when, as it often does, it becomes didactic. Co-author Cathryn Perazzo’s sociopolitical novel-in-progress, Surface Tension, is, we suggest, a laboratory of an assemblage in action. In it, we test and elaborate our hypothesis of the ‘assembled idea’ or ‘assembled morality’ of the sociopolitical novel. We conclude with a look at a published short story, ‘Shameʼ, by co-author Patrick West, which similarly deals with the sociopolitical, with how ‘non-didactic didacticisms’ might be germinated, and, most explicitly, with the ‘event’, following Deleuze’s use of this term.

Veiga Simão e a democratização do ensino: um ideal em educação

O objetivo deste estudo foi apresentar uma análise da democratização do ensino no sistema educacionalportuguês. O tema, porém, não podia e não devia ser tratado sem a inserção no contexto histórico e político correspondente. A época em foco era, realmente, de instabilidade e transição. Daí a desenvoltura dada a certos aspectos que não só condicionaram. mas circunstanciaram toda a ação política portuguesa nos anos que precederam a revolução de 74. A democratização do ensino em Portugal e o aIvo da curiosidade e o objeto de estudo. Considerada um lapso, um hiato ou parêntesis no processo da educação portuguesa, ela é, em parte, um pouco de tudo isso. Mas não é tudo. Este estudo pretende mostrar o que se deve pensar a respeito.

Aspectos cognitivos da formulação de estratégias políticas: um estudo de caso no setor de etanol brasileiro

Teorias consideradas mainstream em estratégia dão reduzida ênfase ao relacionamento entre empresas e governos. A importância desse relacionamento é fundamental, dado que a influência governamental pode ter papel determinante na lucratividade das empresas. A este campo de estudos das atividades das empresas na tentativa de moldar as políticas públicas denominou-se Corporate Political Activity (CPA) ou ainda estratégias políticas. A importância da atividade se traduz nos valores investidos pelas empresas nestas atividades, que tem apresentado crescimento. As despesas com lobbying nos Estados Unidos representaram US$ 3,3 bilhões em 2011, frente a US$ 1,7 bilhões em 2001. As contribuições totais de campanha no Brasil foram da ordem de R$ 3,7 bilhões em 2010, comparados a R$ 1,7 bilhões doados em 2006. Este trabalho trata da influência dos aspectos cognitivos na formação de estratégias políticas no setor sucroalcooleiro brasileiro. Utilizando-se as proposições da existência de comunidades cognitivas formadas a partir do esforço em interpretar desafios estratégicos, que por sua vez levam a criação de estruturas cognitivas compartilhadas (Porac e Thomas, 2002), explorou-se como estas estruturas cognitivas influenciam as escolhas em CPA (Hillman et al., 2004). Os resultados dão suporte à influência das estruturas cognitivas nas escolhas em CPA. A partir da definição das dimensões que compõe as estruturas cognitivas de cada uma das comunidades, demonstrou-se que as escolhas em CPA estavam ligadas a estas estruturas, e não puramente a decisões racionais e econômicas. Ao demonstrar suporte à influência cognitiva sobre as escolhas em CPA, este trabalho contribui para as discussões sobre os antecedentes “não estruturais” (ou como colocam Cook e Berry (1995) comportamentais) que afetam as escolhas em CPA.