Molecular mechanisms of interleukin-2 gene inducibility: developmental control and combinatorial action of transcription factors

Interleukin-2 is one of the lymphokines secreted by T helper type 1 cells upon activation mediated by T-cell receptor (TCR) and accessory molecules. The ability to express IL-2 is correlated with T-lineage commitment and is regulated during T cell development and differentiation. Understanding the molecular mechanism of how IL-2 gene inducibility is controlled at each transition and each differentiation process of T-cell development is to understand one aspect of T-cell development. In the present study, we first attempted to elucidate the molecular basis for the developmental changes of IL-2 gene inducibility. We showed that IL-2 gene inducibility is acquired early in immature CD4- CD8-TCR- thymocytes prior to TCR gene rearrangement. Similar to mature T cells, a complete set of transcription factors can be induced at this early stage to activate IL-2 gene expression. The progression of these cells to cortical CD4^+CD8^+TCR^(1o) cells is accompanied by the loss of IL-2 gene inducibility. We demonstrated that DNA binding activities of two transcription factors AP-1 and NF-AT are reduced in cells at this stage. Further, the loss of factor binding, especially AP-1, is attributable to the reduced ability to activate expression of three potential components of AP-1 and NF-AT, including c-Fos, FosB, and Fra-2. We next examined the interaction of transcription factors and the IL-2 promoter in vivo by using the EL4 T cell line and two non-T cell lines. We showed an all-or-none phenomenon regarding the factor-DNA interaction, i.e., in activated T cells, the IL-2 promoter is occupied by sequence-specific transcription factors when all the transcription factors are available; in resting T cells or non-T cells, no specific protein-DNA interaction is observed when only a subset of factors are present in the nuclei. Purposefully reducing a particular set of factor binding activities in stimulated T cells using pharmacological agents cyclosporin A or forskolin also abolished all interactions. The results suggest that a combinatorial and coordinated protein-DNA interaction is required for IL-2 gene activation. The thymocyte experiments clearly illustrated that multiple transcription factors are regulated during intrathymic T-cell development, and this regulation in tum controls the inducibility of the lineage-specific IL-2 gene. The in vivo study of protein-DNA interaction stressed the combinatorial action of transcription factors to stably occupy the IL-2 promoter and to initiate its transcription, and provided a molecular mechanism for changes in IL-2 gene inducibility in T cells undergoing integration of multiple environmental signals.

Dirac spectra, summation formulae, and the spectral action

Noncommutative geometry is a source of particle physics models with matter Lagrangians coupled to gravity. One may associate to any noncommutative space (A, H, D) its spectral action, which is defined in terms of the Dirac spectrum of its Dirac operator D. When viewing a spin manifold as a noncommutative space, D is the usual Dirac operator. In this paper, we give nonperturbative computations of the spectral action for quotients of SU(2), Bieberbach manifolds, and SU(3) equipped with a variety of geometries. Along the way we will compute several Dirac spectra and refer to applications of this computation.

The political econmoy of state government debt : an analysis of constitutional limitations (1961-1990)

Over the past decade, scholarly interest concerning the use of limitations to constrain government spending and taxing has noticeably increased. The call for constitutional restrictions can be credited, in part, to Washington's apparent inability to legislate any significant reductions in government expenditures or in the size of the national debt. At the present time, the federal government is far from instituting any constitutional limitations on spending or borrowing; however, the states have incorporated many controls on revenues and expenditures, the oldest being strictures on full faith and credit borrowing. This dissertations examines the efficacy of these restrictions on borrowing across the states (excluding Alaska) for the period dating from 1961 to 1990 and also studies the limitations on taxing and spending synonymous with the Tax Revolt.

We include socio-economic information in our calculations to control for factors other than the institutional variables that affect state borrowing levels. Our results show that certain constitutional restrictions (in particular, the referendum requirement and the dollar debt limit) are more effective than others. The apparent ineffectiveness of other limitations, such as the flexible debt limit, seem related to the bindingness of the limitations in at least half of the cases. Other variables, such as crime rates, number of schoolage children, and state personal income do affect the levels of full faith and credit debt, but not as strongly as the limitations. While some degree of circumvention can be detected (the amount of full faith and credit debt does inversely affect the levels of nonguaranteed debt), it is so small when compared to the effectiveness of the constitutional restrictions that it is almost negligible. The examination of the tax revolt era limitations yielded quite similar conclusions, with the additional fact that constitutional restrictions appear more binding than statutory ones. Our research demonstrates that constitutional limitations on borrowing can be applied effectively to constrain excessive borrowing, but caution must be used. The efficacy of these restrictions decrease dramatically as the number of loopholes increase.

Four essays on the empirical analysis of political ideology

This thesis examines four distinct facets and methods for understanding political ideology, and so it includes four distinct chapters with only moderate connections between them. Chapter 2 examines how reactions to emotional stimuli vary with political opinion, and how the stimuli can produce changes in an individuals political preferences. Chapter 3 examines the connection between self-reported fear and item nonresponse on surveys. Chapter 4 examines the connection between political and moral consistency with low-dimensional ideology, and Chapter 5 develops a technique for estimating ideal points and salience in a low-dimensional ideological space.

Awakening a sleeping giant: The riddle of Latino political participation

For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.