825 resultados para Police, State


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Under what conditions does successful police reform take place? Can democratic forms of policing exist within undemocratic state structures? What are the motives of donor and recipient nations, and can the norms of global civil society be cultivated in order to promote human rights, democratic governance, and fair and accountable policing? These questions are addressed in this volume, which presents a unique examination of Western-led police reform efforts by theoretically linking neoliberal globalization, police reform and development. The authors present seven country case studies based on this theoretical approach (Afghanistan, Brazil, Iraq, Northern Ireland, South Africa, Trinidad and Tobago, and Turkey) and assess the prospects for successful police reform in a global context.

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Drawing upon original survey research this article seeks to identify the generative processes that influence perceptions of the police in the context of an inner-city neighbourhood in Northern Ireland that has been affected by increases in crime and disorder in the aftermath of the peace process. Conceptually we draw upon recent research from England and Wales that outlines confidence in the police in terms of instrumental and expressive dimensions. We apply this framework and consider whether it provides a useful template for understanding the post-conflict dynamics of police-community relations in our study area. Contrary to much received wisdom our analysis suggests that instrumental concerns about crime and illegal activity are a more influential predictor of attitudes to the police than expressive concerns with disorder and anti-social behaviour. Consequently our discussion points to the variance in local and national survey data and questions the degree to which the latter can usefully inform our understanding of trends and developments in discrete micro-spaces. Our conclusion outlines the potential policy implications for state policing practice in deprived urban spaces.

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In the con?ict between Bedouin representatives and government authorities in the southern Israeli Negev, the term ‘insurgent building’ refers to the construction of buildings erected in the full expectation that they will be demolished by the Israeli police shortly thereafter. This article analyses how insurgent building is employed as a spatial practice by emerging political actors to claim contested Bedouin landownership. Importantly, insurgent building relies on the ability of media and advocacy organizations to mobilize behind the issue. Most of the relevant scholarship takes the interpretative categories advanced by these actors at face value. Following anthropological debates regarding objecti?cation and categorization, I examine the context of a speci?c case of insurgent building. Emerging political actors who employ insurgent building often rely on prede?ned ethnic categories and clear-cut people–state polarities. This case demonstrates the need for a more differentiated understanding of multilayered local dynamics than the one offered by mainstream linear interpretations. At a more abstract level, political actors contribute to the reproduction of the very categories against which they mobilize.

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Human rights are the basic rights of every individual against the state or any other public authority as a member of the human family irrespective of any other consideration. Thus every individual of the society has the inherent right to be treated with dignity in all situations including arrest and keeping in custody by the police. Rights of an individual in police custody are protected basically by the Indian Constitution and by various other laws like Code of Criminal Procedure, Evidence Act, Indian Penal Code and Protection of Human Rights Act. The term `custody' is defined neither in procedural nor in substantive laws. The word custody means protective care. The expression `police custody' as used in sec. 27 of Evidence Act does not necessarily mean formal arrest. In India with special reference to Kerala and evolution and development of the concept of human rights and various kinds of human rights violations in police custody in different stages of history. Human rights activists and various voluntary organisations reveals that there are so many factors contributing towards the causes of violations of human rights by police. Sociological causes like ambivalent outlook of the society with respect to the use of third degree methods by the police, economic causes like meager salary and inadequate living conditions, rampant corruption in police service, unnecessary political interference in the crime investigation, work load of police personnel without any time limit and periodic holidays, unnecessary pressure from superior police officers and the general public for speedy detection causing great mental strain to the investigating officers, defective system of recruitment and training, imperfect system of investigation and lack of public co-operation are some of the factors identified in the field survey towards the causes of violations of human rights in police custody.

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The teleological narrative that has dominated the handling of intelligence by the British state in the events that led up to the 1916 Irish Rebellion in Dublin has been characterised as a cocktail of incompetence and mendacity. Using new and existing archive material this article argues that both the cabinet in London and key members of the Irish Executive in Dublin were supplied with accurate and timely intelligence by the Admiralty's signals intelligence unit, the Royal Irish Constabulary and the Dublin Metropolitan Police with respect to this event. Far from being a failure of intelligence here is evidence to show that there occurred a failure of response on behalf of key decision-makers. The warnings that were given by intelligence organisations were filtered through the existing policy preferences and assumptions. As a result of these factors accurate evaluations and sound judgement were not exercised by key officials, such as Sir Matthew Nathan, in Dublin Castle.

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Background: Few methodologically rigorous international comparisons of student-reported antisocial behavior have been conducted. This paper examines whether there are differences in the frequency of both antisocial behavior and societal responses to antisocial behavior in Victoria, Australia and Washington State, United States. These 2 states were chosen due to their similarities on sociodemographic characteristics and their differences in policy frameworks around problem behavior including antisocial behavior and substance use.

Methods: State representative samples of students (N = 5769) in school grades 5, 7, and 9 in Victoria and Washington State completed a modified version of the Communities That Care self-report survey of behavior and societal responses to behavior. Chi-square analyses compared frequencies of antisocial behavior, school suspensions, and police arrests in the 2 states. Multivariate logistic regression analyses were conducted for each outcome measure to examine the effect of state, controlling for sample design, clustering of students within schools, age, socioeconomic status, and urbanicity.

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Few state differences in student-reported antisocial behavior were found, although frequencies varied across behavior type and grade level. Differences in societal responses were observed across grade levels with grade 5 Washington students reporting higher rates of school suspension. Older Washington students reported more arrests.

Conclusions:
Rates of student antisocial behavior appear similar in these 2 states in Australia and the United States. However, youth in the United States relative to Australia may experience greater societal consequences for problem behavior. Further research is required to examine the impact of these consequences on subsequent behavior.

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While in most countries suicide is no longer a crime, it is also acknowledged that the state has an interest in the preservation of human life, prevention of suicide, and protection of vulnerable persons from harming themselves. In a civil, secular and democratic society, however, the public law principle of state protective powers has to be balanced against the private law principle of personal autonomy (personal self-determination). Under the doctrine of autonomy, competent adults of sound mind can make legally binding voluntary choices, including the so-called ‘death-choice’ (refusal of life-sustaining or life-prolonging treatment as well as suicide). To add to the complexity, whereas the powers of the state in relation to suicide and its prevention have been codified, the concepts of personal autonomy and personal liberty are grounded in common law. Stuart v Kirkland–Veenstra [2008] VSCA 32, which is at present being considered by the High Court of Australia, exemplifies tensions that arise in the suicide-prevention area of jurisprudence. This article explores powers and duties of police officers in relation to suicide prevention and the notion of mental illness by reference to the Kirkland–Veenstra case, the relevant statutory framework and the common law.

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This paper sets out to demonstrate the link between development, state capacity and peace, employing Timor-Leste as the case study. It employs the association between state capacity and development to illustrate where if state capacity is lacking or functions improperly there is likely to be a low level of state legitimacy. This in turn manifests as lack of respect for or failure of rule of law, developing as generalised lawlessness and anti-state activity and eventually manifesting as intra-state or civil conflict. In particular, policing is seen as a critical component in state legitimacy, being the 'front line' of the judicial system from which legitimacy ultimately derives. This issue is particularly critical in states emerging from traditional legal and judicial structures, but which have not yet articulated into 'rational-legal' structures. Ipso facto, key state institutions, such as the judicial system and police are required to function well, while these are alone not enough to guarantee peace, they are significant contributors to and guarantors of peace.

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In 1931 and 1932, New South Wales faced civic collapse. During the last months of the Lang government, the semi-fascist New Guard became a serious threat to the state. This article examines the challenge posed by the New Guard to the New South Wales police, and the strategies used by the police to suppress the group. Superintendent W.J. MacKay, the colourful and Machiavellian future commissioner, effectively and ruthlessly exercised police power against the New Guard. This article disputes the dominant historical interpretation of this period, which sees the police as collaborators with a reactionary secret army, the ‘Old Guard’.

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This study investigates patterns in violence over 3 time points in early to midadolescence in 2 statewide representative samples of youth, one in Washington State, USA, and the other in Victoria, Australia. Comparable data collection methods in both states were used to cross-nationally compare patterns of violence, risk factors, and responses to violence (school suspensions and arrests) in 2 policy contexts. Risk factors include early use of alcohol, binge drinking, involvement with antisocial peers, family conflict, poor family management, sensation seeking, and bully victimization. These are modeled as correlates of initial violence and predictors of change in violence over a 3-year period, from ages 12–15, for participating youth. Results suggest that patterns and predictors of violence are mostly similar in the 2 states. Initial levels of violence (age 13) and change over time in violence were associated in both states with more youth school suspensions and more police arrests in Grade 9. Some cross-national differences were also shown. For example, correlations of violence with gender and violence with binge drinking were stronger in Victoria, whereas correlations of violence with early use of alcohol and with antisocial peer involvement were stronger in Washington State. Antisocial peer involvement and family conflict were significant predictors of a gradual increase in violence from Grades 7–9 for youth in Victoria only. Implications are discussed with attention to prevention and intervention efforts.

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This article argues that police studies should draw on the sociology of punishment to better understand state pain-delivery. Whereas penal theorists commonly assess the pain and punishment of inmates in relation to wider social sentiments, police theory has yet to regard police violence and harm in the same fashion. As a result, police scholars often fail to address why the damage caused by public constabularies, even when widely publicized, is accommodated and accepted. Adapting the idea of ‘punitiveness’ from penal theory allows some explanation of how the public views injury and suffering caused by the police by illuminating the emotions and sentiments their actions generate.

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The effect of early adolescent alcohol use on antisocial behavior was examined at one- and two-year follow-up in Washington, United States and Victoria, Australia. Each state used the same methods to survey statewide representative samples of students (N = 1,858, 52% female) in 2002 (Grade 7 [G7]), 2003 (Grade 8 [G8]), and 2004 (Grade 9 [G9]). Rates of lifetime, current, frequent, and heavy episodic alcohol use were higher in Victoria than Washington State, whereas rates of five antisocial behaviors were generally comparable across states. After controlling for established risk factors, few associations between alcohol use and antisocial behavior remained, except that G7 current use predicted G8 police arrests and stealing and G9 carrying a weapon and stealing; G7 heavy episodic use predicted G8 and G9 police arrests; and G7 lifetime use predicted G9 carrying a weapon. Hence, risk factors other than alcohol were stronger predictors of antisocial behaviors.

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The paper quantifies the effects on violence and police activity of the Pacifying Police Unit program (UPP) in Rio de Janeiro and the possible geographical spillovers caused by this policy. This program consists of taking selected shantytowns controlled by criminals organizations back to the State. The strategy of the policy is to dislodge the criminals and then settle a permanent community-oriented police station in the slum. The installation of police units in these slums can generate geographical spillover effects to other regions of the State of Rio de Janeiro. We use the interrupted time series approach proposed by Gonzalez-Navarro (2013) to address effects of a police when there is contagion of the control group and we find that criminal outcomes decrease in areas of UPP and in areas near treated regions. Furthermore, we build a model which allows to perform counterfactuals of this policy and to estimate causal effects in other areas of the State of Rio de Janeiro outside the city.

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This article analyzes the creation and development of the São Paulo police force during the early years of the republican regime. In a period of political change and turbulence, institutional upheaval (uprising of the Navy and federalist revolution), and social pressure, São Paulo's police force played an important role. As the state sought to organize the public sphere, the police force became a tool in the new government's hands. A more martial set of demands mobilized a large portion of the troops on behalf of the federal government against the Custodio de Mello uprising, and sought to defend São Paulo's borders. Despite official discourse that fomented a militarized response, São Paulo's police force found itself unable to dismiss old personnel and practices and dislodge entrenched interests.

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Drugs are important risk factors for traffic accidents. In Brazil, truck drivers report using amphetamines to maintain their extensive work schedule and stay awake. These drugs can be obtained without prescription easily on Brazilian roads. The use of these stimulants can result in health problems and can be associated with traffic accidents. There are Brazilian studies that show that drivers use drugs. However, these studies are questionnaire-based and do not always reflect real-life situations. The purpose of this study was to demonstrate the prevalence of drug use by truck drivers on the roads of Sao Paulo State, Brazil, during 2009. Drivers of large trucks were randomly stopped by police officers on the interstate roads during morning hours. After being informed of the goals of the study, the drivers gave written informed consent before providing a urine sample. In addition, a questionnaire concerning sociodemographic characteristics and health information was administered. Urine samples were screened for amphetamines, cocaine, and cannabinoids by immunoassay and the confirmation was performed using gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS). Of the 488 drivers stopped, 456 (93.4%) provided urine samples, and 9.3% of them (n = 42) tested positive for drugs. Amphetamines were the most commonly found (n = 26) drug, representing 61.9% of the positive samples. Ten cases tested positive for cocaine (23.8%), and five for cannabinoids (11.9%). All drivers were male with a mean age of 40 +/- 10.8 years, and 29.3% of them reported some health problem (diabetes, high blood pressure and/or stress). A high incidence of truck drivers who tested positive for drug use was found, among other reported health problems. Thus, there is an evident need to promote a healthier lifestyle among professional drivers and a need for preventive measures aimed at controlling the use of drugs by truck drivers in Brazil. (C) 2011 Elsevier Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.