Dealing with the Legacy of Ethnic Conflict: Confronting ‘Othering’ through Transformative Adult Education—A Northern Ireland Case Study

Despite its peace process, Northern Ireland remains a deeply divided society. The legacy of a 30-year conflict has ensured that the state continues to be prone to outbreaks of violence over contentious issues such as Orange Order parading and the flying of national flags. This paper argues that in order to address this legacy, there is a need to confront the Othering processes that have helped to generate and sustain division. It will argue that programmes of adult education can play an important role in helping the conflicting groups to reimagine their ‘exclusive’ notions of the nation to one capable of incorporating the Other.

Loyalism, Women and Standpoint Theory

Most recent studies of Loyalism in Northern Ireland have focused on the nature and development of Loyalist paramilitaries and their methods, ideology and attitudes to the peace process. This article argues that the nature of Loyalist paramilitarism is primarily masculinist and that there is a perspective that has gone generally unheard from women in Loyalist communities. Using standpoint theory, evidence from interviews with women in Loyalist communities associated with Belfast is analysed and a picture is formed that suggests that there are gendered attitudes towards women who become involved in the conflict through paramilitary organisations and that paramilitaries are not representative of their communities. It is concluded that researchers need to bear in mind the gender dimensions of their work and be aware of who is present and who is absent when research is being carried out.

The Republican Movement, 'Disappearing' and Framing the Past in Northern Ireland

Despite a rich body of research on the conflict and peace process in Northern Ireland, the ‘disappearances’ carried out by Republican armed groups have so far escaped scrutiny. In this article I examine how the Republican movement has framed the rationale behind ‘disappearing’ as a rational response to informing and as an example of historical continuity. In doing so, Republicans appear to attempt to confer legitimacy on their choice of target and normalize the use of the practice within a Republican framework. However, these rationales incorporate techniques of neutralization and attempts to contextualize the ‘disappearances’ in such a way as to distance the Irish Republican Army from agency. Such distancing speaks to a third, overarching rationale for ‘disappearing’: the avoidance of an embarrassment that has continued into the postconflict period. I consider why Republicans persist in claiming the ‘disappeared’ were legitimate targets, killed by a method for which there is historical precedent, when such framing left them open to criticism at a time when they were seeking to demonstrate that they had left violence behind. I conclude that Republican attempts to satisfy two audiences resulted in a gulf between their engagement in the process of recovering remains and their rhetoric surrounding this issue. In so doing, light is shed on some of the challenges the Republican movement faced in their transition away from violence. More broadly, the value of unpicking the framing of key actors in transitional processes is illuminated.

Can the European Union build a bridge over troubled waters? An analysis of the politicised and depoliticised legal approach between the European Union and Cyprus

The Cyprus dispute accurately portrays the evolution of the conflict from ‘warfare to lawfare’ enriched in politics; this research has proven that the Cyprus problem has been and will continue to be one of the most judicialised disputes across the globe. Notwithstanding the ‘normalisation’ of affairs between the two ethno-religious groups on the island since the division in 1974, the Republic of Cyprus’ (RoC) European Union (EU) membership in 2004 failed to catalyse reunification and terminate the legal, political and economic isolation of the Turkish Cypriot community. So the question is; why is it that the powerful legal order of the EU continuously fails to tame the tiny troublesome island of Cyprus? This is a thesis on the interrelationship of the EU legal order and the Cyprus problem. A literal and depoliticised interpretation of EU law has been maintained throughout the EU’s dealings with Cyprus, hence, pre-accession and post-accession. The research has brought to light that this literal interpretation of EU law vis-à-vis Cyprus has in actual fact deepened the division on the island. Pessimists outnumber optimists so far as resolving this problem is concerned, and rightly so if you look back over the last forty years of failed attempts to do just that, a diplomatic combat zone scattered with the bones of numerous mediators. This thesis will discuss how the decisions of the EU institutions, its Member States and specifically of the European Court of Justice, despite conforming to the EU legal order, have managed to disregard the principle of equality on the divided island and thus prevent the promised upgrade of the status of the Turkish Cypriot community since 2004. Indeed, whether a positive or negative reading of the Union’s position towards the Cyprus problem is adopted, the case remains valid for an organisation based on the rule of law to maintain legitimacy, democracy, clarity and equality to the decisions of its institutions. Overall, the aim of this research is to establish a link between the lack of success of the Union to build a bridge over troubled waters and the right of self-determination of the Turkish Cypriot community. The only way left for the EU to help resolve the Cyprus problem is to aim to broker a deal between the two Cypriot communities which will permit the recognition of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) or at least the ‘Taiwanisation’ of Northern Cyprus. Albeit, there are many studies that address the impact of the EU on the conflict or the RoC, which represents the government that has monopolised EU accession, the argument advanced in this thesis is that despite the alleged Europeanisation of the Turkish Cypriot community, they are habitually disregarded because of the EU’s current legal framework and the Union’s lack of conflict transformation strategy vis-à-vis the island. Since the self-declared TRNC is not recognised and EU law is suspended in northern Cyprus in accordance with Protocol No 10 on Cyprus of the Act of Accession 2003, the Turkish-Cypriots represent an idiomatic partner of Brussels but the relations between the two resemble the experience of EU enlargement: the EU’s relevance to the community has been based on the prospects for EU accession (via reunification) and assistance towards preparation for potential EU integration through financial and technical aid. Undeniably, the pre-accession and postaccession strategy of Brussels in Cyprus has worsened the Cyprus problem and hindered the peace process. The time has come for the international community to formally acknowledge the existence of the TRNC.

Emprendimiento, instituciones y construcción de paz – Análisis de Influencia de Stakeholders en los departamentos de Nariño y Cauca

Nariño y Cauca son dos de los departamentos de Colombia más afectados por la violencia. La reciente firma de un acuerdo de un cese bilateral de hostilidades con las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) y los diálogos de La Habana son apenas el comienzo de la Construcción de Paz (CP) que implica el esfuerzo continuo de diferentes actores (gubernamentales, sector privado, sociedad civil y organismos multilaterales) para lograr no solo una paz negativa sino una paz positiva. El apoyo al emprendimiento es una estrategia implementada por el Gobierno y por los stakeholders que participan en el proceso del posconflicto, que tiene como finalidad respaldar el proceso de integración económica de las víctimas y desmovilizados. El presente documento es un estudio exploratorio elaborado por medio de una investigación cualitativa en la temática de emprendimiento, instituciones y CP en los departamentos de Nariño y Cauca. Se utilizó una estrategia metodológica denominada Matrices de Stakeholders para representar gráficamente la influencia institucional sobre la toma decisiones e implementación de los stakeholders sobre las reformas o políticas de emprendimiento y CP en estos dos departamentos. En esta investigación se encontró que i) en general, las instituciones del gobierno de los de Nariño y Cauca son extractivas y limitan la participación de la sociedad; ii) los stakeholders de la sociedad civil a pesar de tener cierta organización y voz no están en capacidad de generar influencia más que a nivel local o comunitario; iii) los vacíos dejados por las instituciones extractivas del gobierno tienden a ser llenados por instituciones inclusivas de stakeholders del sector privado y de organismos multilaterales.

Coexistir: libro de producción audiovisual de formato documental

Coexistir cuenta cinco historias de lo que piensan del perdón víctimas del conflicto armado en Colombia. En 2006, grupos paramilitares se desmovilizaron y se encontraron con sus víctimas para responder sus preguntas y pedirles perdón. En 2012, el Gobierno inició un proceso de paz con las FARC, durante el cual se ha puesto en discusión las intenciones de reconciliación de la guerrilla. A partir de casos en Magdalena Medio y Caquetá, Coexistir es un reflejo de los dilemas que enfrentan cientos de víctimas a nivel nacional para lidiar con su dolor, no olvidar y pedir que no se repita la historia.

Contribución de la misión de naciones unidas en Guatemala – Minugua, a la promoción, defensa y garantía de los derechos de la población indígena guatemalteca (1994 a 2004)

El conflicto armado en Guatemala se originó por el abuso de poder, la desigualdad, la exclusión y la profunda discriminación, sobre todo hacia la población indígena, a la que se le han desconocido históricamente sus derechos y que fue la más afligida durante el conflicto. Lo que desembocó en el nacimiento de grupos al margen de la ley, cuyo propósito fue reivindicar los derechos de la población, así como la equidad y justicia social. El conflicto se caracterizó por la formación de grupos paramilitares, la violación al Derecho Internacional Humanitario, el elevado número de víctimas del conflicto, mayoritariamente indígenas y porque más del 85% de las violaciones a los derechos humanos fueron perpetradas por el Estado. Gracias a la voluntad política, al respaldo de la comunidad internacional, especialmente de la Organización de Naciones Unidas -ONU, y a los buenos oficios de la Comisión Nacional de Reconciliación – CNR, se lograron firmar los Acuerdos de Paz y dar fin a este cruento conflicto de más de 36 años. Las partes firmantes vieron la necesidad de que un ente autónomo e imparcial de Naciones Unidas, verificara el cumplimiento de La Misión de Naciones Unidas en Guatemala - MINUGUA contribuyó a la promoción, defensa y garantía de los derechos de la población indígena guatemalteca. Específicamente, incidió en el cumplimiento de los compromisos contenidos en el Acuerdo sobre Identidad y Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas guatemaltecos –AIDPI, que fue suscrito el 31 de marzo de 1995, asimismo, contribuyó a la garantía del derecho a la justicia de la población indígena, lo que se evidenció en las acciones y el papel que desempeñó en los componentes de verdad, justicia y reparación.

Ex combatientes y proceso de reintegración: representaciones sociales de un grupo estudiantes del área de la salud

La presente investigación tuvo como objetivo describir las representaciones sociales de un grupo de estudiantes del área de la salud frente a los excombatientes de grupos armados al margen de la ley en Colombia y frente a los procesos de reintegración. El estudio es cualitativo, desde un enfoque procesual de la teoría de las representaciones sociales, participaron estudiantes del área de la salud de una universidad privada de la ciudad de Bogotá. Los datos fueron recogidos mediante un ejercicio de asociación libre para conocer el componente semántico de las representaciones y una entrevista semiestructurada de forma individual con el fin de identificar las dimensiones de información, actitud y campo representacional. Se encontró la prevalencia de prejuicios hacia los excombatientes y la influencia de los medios de comunicación en el nivel y calidad de la información sobre estos objetos de representación, y se identificó una ambigüedad frente al proceso de reintegración; lo que de alguna forma sugiere las dificultades para la inclusión de este grupo a la sociedad, la presencia de una discriminación negativa y las bajas expectativas frente a procesos de cambio en el marco del proceso de paz.

The Construction of a State Peace Policy and the Process of Conflict Resolution

The academic literature specialized on processes of conflict resolution has focused on how third party intervention and mediation can contribute to end violent conflict, however it has also ignored the potential role of the state in countries affected by internal war. This article calls for a better understanding of the state, not only as a source of contemporary conflict but as a potential advocate of conflict resolution processes. It suggests that it is necessary and possible to involve the state in more effective processes of conflict resolution through the implementation of a State Peace Policy. The central argument is that some of the critical elements that should guide the state action when confronting the destructive logic of war and violence can be effectively undertaken through a public policy focused on building peace. After suggesting a general definition of State Peace Policy and highlighting some of its main attributes, the article recognizes that this sort of policy can also orientate the unfinished process of state consolidation in Colombia and other countries affected by internal conflict. The role of the state in the process of conflict resolution is crucial; however there are some issues normally ignored within the policy-making process, they must be seriously taken into account in order to eliminate the underlying structures that perpetuate conflict and delay the consolidation of sustainable peace.-----La literatura académica especializada en procesos de resolución de conflictos se ha centrado en el estudio de cómo la intervención de terceras partes y la labor de mediación pueden contribuir a poner fin a los conflictos violentos, sin embargo, también ha ignorado el rol potencial del estado en aquellos países afectados por la guerra interna. Este artículo llama la atención sobre la necesidad de estudiar al estado no sólo como la fuente de los conflictos contemporáneos, sino como un colaborador potencial en procesos de resolución de conflictos. Se sugiere que es necesario y también posible involucrar al estado en este tipo de procesos de una manera más efectiva a través de la implementación de una Política de Estado centrada en la Paz. El argumento central es que algunos de los elementos claves que deben guiar la acción del estado cuando éste se enfrenta a la lógica destructiva de la guerra y la violencia, pueden ser efectivamente tratados a través de una política pública que de prioridad a la construcción de la paz. Luego de sugerir una definición general y destacar algunos de los principales atributos de ésta clase de Política de Estado, el artículo reconoce que ésta podría también orientar el proceso inacabado de consolidación del estado en Colombia y en otros países afectados por conflictos internos. El rol del estado en el proceso para resolver los conflictos es crucial, sin embargo hay algunos aspectos normalmente ignorados durante el proceso de formulación de políticas que deben ser tomados en cuenta seriamente para eliminar las estructuras que perpetúan el conflicto y que retrasan la consolidación de la paz sostenible.

The Prize is more Peace: The EU should consolidate its enlargement process. CEPS Commentary, 8 November 2012

The sovereign debt crisis and the threat of financial collapse of some EU member states have triggered fierce debate about the economic, social and political finalité of the Union and curbed the appetite for further enlargement. The European Commission needs to find new ways to consolidate the enlargement agenda, gain full support of the member states for its implementation and assure a consistent application of the pre-accession requirements. Arguably, more time, more money and greater expertise are needed to pursue the vocation recognised by the Nobel Committee.

Binns's justice : Digest of the laws and judicial decisions of Pennsylvania, touching the authority and duties of justices of the peace: including all the required forms of process, docket entries, and fee bills ... The whole law in relation to landlord and tenant; insolvent debtors; elections; and fees: the general enactments of the inspection laws; militia laws; and many other laws: with an infinite variety of law forms ... /

The Magistrate's vocabulary of law terms and law phrases: p. 41-61.

The UN peacebuilding process: an analysis of its shortcomings in Timor-Leste

This paper brings a comprehensive analysis of the peacebuilding process conducted by the UN in Timor-Leste. Drawing on fieldwork, interviews, and secondary sources, the paper brings light to the main fragilities of this process. Firstly, the paper briefly outlines the scholarly debate around UN peacebuilding process. Then, the paper brings an overview of the UN missions deployed to Timor-Leste. Finally, the paper identifies the major limitations of such engagement. By highlighting the main flaws of this peacebuilding process, the paper opens the space for (re)thinking alternative ways of building peace in post-conflict scenarios.

Interoperability on e-learning 2.0: the PEACE case study

The confluence of education with the evolution of technology boosted the paradigm shift of the face-to-face learning to distance learning. In this scenario e-Learning plays an essential role as a facilitator of the teaching/learning process. However new demands associated with the new Web paradigm require that existent e-Learning environments characterized mostly by monolithic systems begin interacting with new specialized services. In this decentralized scenario the definition of a strategy of interoperability is the cornerstone to ensure the standardization communication among systems. This paper presents a definition of an interoperability strategy for an e-Learning environment at our School (ESEIG) called PEACE – Project for ESEIG Academic Content Environment. This new interoperability model relies on the application of several coordination and integration standards on several services, controlled by teachers and students, and included in the PEACE environment such as social networks, repositories, libraries, e-portfolios, intelligent tutors, recommendation systems and virtual classrooms.

Towards sustainable peace : peace-building and human security

Failed and fragile states that result from intrastate war pose severe threats to the security of both the international system and individual states alike. In the post-Cold War era, the international community has come to recognize the reality of these threats and the difficulty involved in ending violence and building sustainable peace in failed and fragile states. This work focuses upon the development of a comprehensive strategy for sustainable peace-building by incorporating the tenets of the human security doctrine into the peace-building process. Through the use of case studies of The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and East Timor, the development and refinement of the doctrine of human security will occur, as well as, an understanding of how and where human security fits into the sustainable peace-building equation. The end result of the analysis is the development of a hierarchical pyramid formation that brings together human security and peace-building into one framework that ultimately creates the foundation and structure of sustainable peace-building. With the development of a sustainable peace-building structure based upon the human security doctrine, the role of Canada in the support of sustainable peace-building is analyzed in relation to the form and level of involvement that Canada undertakes and contributes to in the implementation and support of sustainable peace-building initiatives. Following from this, recommendations are provided regarding what role(s) Canada should undertake in the sustainable peace-building process that take into consideration the present and likely future capabilities of Canada to be involved in various aspects of the peace-building process. ii This paper outlines the need for a peace-building strategy that is designed to be sustainable in order that failed and fragile states resulting from intrastate conflict do not regress or collapse back into a condition of civil war, and subsequently designs such a strategy. The linking of peace-building and human security creates the required framework from which sustainable peace-building is derived. Creating sustainable peace is necessary in order to increase the likelihood that both present and future generations existing in failed and fragile states will be spared from the scourge of intrastate war.

The role of the Ruah YHWH in creative transformation : a process theology perspective applied to Judges 14

La Ruah YHWH joue un rôle important dans la transformation créative de l’univers et des entités actuelles; cependant, une réflexion concernant les modalités de ce rôle reste à développer. La théologie processuelle offre une plateforme à partir de laquelle sont examinées diverses facettes des rôles que peut jouer la Ruah YHWH dans un monde où le chaos semble dominer. L’objectif de ce mémoire est justement d’explorer la Ruah YHWH dans son rôle de transformation créative au service, ultimement de l’ordre, de la paix et de l’harmonie dans le monde, les communautés, la vie des entités actuelles, etc. Le Chapitre 1 passe en revue des notions clés de la théologie processuelle. Le concept des “entités actuelles” est d’abord défini. Sont ensuite examinées les différentes phases du devenir d’une entité actuelle. Finalement, les concepts de “créativité” et de “transformation”, dans une perspective de la Ruah YHWH font l’objet d’observations attentives avant d’aborder « trois natures » de Dieu, à savoir primordiale, conséquente, et superjective. Le Chapitre 2 s’intéresse à la péricope centrale de ce mémoire : Juges 13:24-14:20. Le découpage de la structure de cette péricope est basé sur des critères de critique textuelle et d’analyse syntaxique. La première analyse s’attarde aux difficultés que le texte hébreu présente, alors que la deuxième met l’accent sur l’organisation structurelle des propositions grammaticales des versets. Les deux analyses me permettent ensuite de proposer une traduction du péricope. Le Chapitre 3 se veut une application de ce qui a été élaboré au Chapitre 1 sur la péricope analysée au Chapitre 2. Ce troisième chapitre permet de mettre en pratique une approche processuelle originale développée par Robert David dans son livre Déli_l’ ÉCRITURE. Dans la foulée des chapitres qui le précèdent, le Chapitre 4 propose quelques principes herméneutiques contemporains pouvant éclairer le rôle de la Ruah YHWH dans l’avancée créative du monde : vie, amour, et paix.