Corpo, força e potência: Nietzsche e Spinoza no pensamento de Deleuze

This dissertation aims at showing the importance of the Nietzsche s and Spinoza s philosophy in Deleuze thought, about body, force, and potency concepts. The search starts from Deleuze texts around two authors of his inspiration, reaching understand in the plan of immanence of the relationship between concepts and the way life as ethics and political affirmation. The first goal is the concept of rhizome; propose by Deleuze in what manner to walk the ways traced by philosophers and at the same time to create self ways. The second chapter examines the body in Nietzsche as force s relations. Find to show the genesis of the force in its determination as relative quantity strong or weak, and as absolute quality active or reactive; and for other side the genesis of the force from two poles of the will to power affirmation or negation, examining the consequences for life and thought. In the third chapter explained the definitions of body in Spinoza. The body, in Spinoza, defines itself complex relation of movement and repose, velocity and slowness and by it s to affect and be affecter s power. Find to show understanding the mediums for to amplify the power of to exist or the potency of to act, in what manner ethics of to live. The fourth chapter makes one parallel between the war and the thought in the constitution of socials body and collectives agenciamientos, for understand in the fifth chapter the body as war s machine of the thought, from the relationship between nomad way life and war s machine showed in Tractate of Nomadologia. Wait like this to show the importance of the ethics and political thought than affirm the existence in the world through active force from that body s power.

A philosophy of performance, politics and composition

This thesis discusses socio-political issues worldwide through philosophical approaches to performance, politics and composition. My research also discuss sound decisions which I regard to be simultaneously an outlet for personal expression, as well as a practical tool to inspire a socio-political change in society. Although the latter is paramount to the methodology of the project, the sound cannot be regarded in isolation as a “political composition”. It can only become truly functional in a political sense through interaction with other art forms, within the context of a specific place and time. My portfolio for this project is of two socio-political projects which are my chief concern. The first project concerns the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. I named this project PATH. PATH aims to foster and expand peaceful thought between Jewish and Palestinian civilians in Israel-Palestine. Through performance art, PATH spreads a message of acceptance, unity and brotherhood between our peoples. Above all, PATH demands and end to intolerance, hatred and violence among all the inhabitants of the State of Israel. The second project concerns women���s rights globally. I have realised that although we have come a long way in our struggle for rights for women, great challenges remain. There is a need to unite women and men against a form of oppression that discriminates against 50% of the world’s population. I called this project, For Utopia.

La voluntad como deseo consciente: Kuno Fischer entre Spinoza y Nietzsche

Es muy defendible afirmar que el volumen dedicado a Spinoza de la obra Historia de la filosofía moderna de Kuno Fischer es la mediación más importante –si bien no la única– para comprender la relación Spinoza-Nietzsche. A partir de la lectura de esta obra en 1881, Nietzsche reconoce a Spinoza como precursor e identifica una tendencia en común entre ambos: «hacer del conocimiento el afecto más potente». Los principales objetivos de este trabajo son destacar la exposición que Fischer lleva a cabo de algunos de los contenidos de la filosofía spinociana para poder valorar mejor su influencia en Nietzsche y resaltar la importancia que tiene tulo 22 de la edición de 1865, titulado «La voluntad humana», donde se interpreta la voluntad como deseo consciente, lo que tendrá sus consecuencias en la recepción de Nietzsche de la filosofía spinociana, además de permitir una discusión respecto del rol no siempre atendido de la voluntad en Spinoza.

Unzeitgemäße Sozialpädagogik. Erwägungen auf dem Weg zur Rephilosophierung einer Einzelwissenschaft unter Bezug auf Nietzsche

Der in letzter Zeit zelebrierte Erfolg der Sozialpädagogik ist der kritischen Reflexion aus rephilosophierter Perspektive bedürftig. Sie hat hinzuweisen auf das Erkenntnisinteresse, dem Wissenschaften, wenn sie denn Wissenschaften sein wollen, allererst nachzufolgen haben: nämlich der von staatlichen Gratifikationen absehenden Wahrheitssuche. Hier nun kann eine Rückbesinnung gerade auf den nützlich sein, der Sozialpädagogen, insoweit er sich der Rechtfertigung helfenden Handelns nicht zur Verfügung stellen läßt, von jeher unbequem war: nämlich auf Nietzsche. Dieser ist für die Sozialpädagogik aber nicht nur von Belang, weil er ihr altruistisches Selbstmißverständnis zu kritisieren erlaubt, sondern auch, weil er diese Disziplin auf eine Gegenstandskonzeption hinzuweisen hilft, die der Verkürzung des sozialpädagogischen Geschäfts auf bloße Problemlösungstechnologien entgegenwirken kann. (DIPF/Orig.)

Nietzsche's orphans: music and the search for unity in revolutionary Russia, 1905-1921

At the dawn of the twentieth century, Imperial Russia was in the throes of immense social, political and cultural upheaval. The effects of rapid industrialization, rising capitalism and urbanization, as well as the trauma wrought by revolution and war, reverberated through all levels of society and every cultural sphere. In the aftermath of the 1905 revolution, amid a growing sense of panic over the chaos and divisions emerging in modern life, a portion of Russian educated society (obshchestvennost’) looked to the transformative and unifying power of music as a means of salvation from the personal, social and intellectual divisions of the contemporary world. Transcending professional divisions, these “orphans of Nietzsche” comprised a distinct aesthetic group within educated Russian society. While lacking a common political, religious or national outlook, these philosophers, poets, musicians and other educated members of the upper and middle strata were bound together by their shared image of music’s unifying power, itself built upon a synthesis of Russian and European ideas. They yearned for a “musical Orpheus,” a composer capable of restoring wholeness to society through his music. My dissertation is a study in what I call “musical metaphysics,” an examination of the creation, development, crisis and ultimate failure of this Orphic worldview. To begin, I examine the institutional foundations of musical life in late Imperial Russia, as well as the explosion of cultural life in the aftermath of the 1905 Revolution, a vibrant social context which nourished the formation of musical metaphysics. From here, I assess the intellectual basis upon which musical metaphysics rested: central concepts (music, life-transformation, theurgy, unity, genius, nation), as well as the philosophical heritage of Nietzsche and the Christian thinkers Vladimir Solov’ev, Aleksei Khomiakov, Ivan Kireevskii and Lev Tolstoi. Nietzsche’s orphans’ struggle to reconcile an amoral view of reality with a deeply felt sense of religious purpose gave rise to neo-Slavophile interpretations of history, in which the Russian nation (narod) was singled out as the savior of humanity from the materialism of modern life. This nationalizing tendency existed uneasily within the framework of the multi-ethnic empire. From broad social and cultural trends, I turn to detailed analysis of three of Moscow’s most admired contemporary composers, whose individual creative voices intersected with broader social concerns. The music of Aleksandr Scriabin (1871-1915) was associated with images of universal historical progress. Nikolai Medtner (1879-1951) embodied an “Imperial” worldview, in which musical style was imbued with an eternal significance which transcended the divisions of nation. The compositions of Sergei Rachmaninoff (1873-1943) were seen as the expression of a Russian “national” voice. Heightened nationalist sentiment and the impact of the Great War spelled the doom of this musical worldview. Music became an increasingly nationalized sphere within which earlier, Imperial definitions of belonging grew ever more problematic. As the Germanic heritage upon which their vision was partially based came under attack, Nietzsche’s orphans found themselves ever more divided and alienated from society as a whole. Music’s inability to physically transform the world ultimately came to symbolize the failure of Russia’s educated strata to effectively deal with the pressures of a modernizing society. In the aftermath of the 1917 revolutions, music was transformed from a symbol of active, unifying power into a space of memory, a means of commemorating, reinterpreting, and idealizing the lost world of Imperial Russia itself.

Entre a imagem e o signo : notas sobre Nietzsche, a linguagem e a tradição dialética

Persigo aqui o objetivo de contribuir à recuperação da interlocução entre Nietzsche e a tradição dialética. A despeito da ideia de registros teóricos incompatíveis, procuro sublinhar as preocupações comuns e o possível benefício recíproco nessa interlocução. A diretriz fundamental consiste na visualização da capacidade de a linguagem se tensionar entre a mediação simbólica das formas de vida e a expressividade das vivências singularizadas. Primeiramente, proponho uma interpretação das reflexões de Nietzsche sobre a linguagem no sentido de detectar aí uma instigante polarização entre conceito e intuição (1). Em seguida, mostro como Adorno desenvolve esse tema no sentido de uma concepção dialética de linguagem (2). Finalmente, apoiando-me em Hegel e Gadamer, gostaria de indicar como a tradição dialética logra responder ao desafio nietzschiano do inacabamento do sentido poético (3). ______________________________________________________________________________ RESUMEM

Women-led Community Development Organizations (CDOs) in Miami-Dade County: A Model of Community Development Efforts Impacting the Economic Security of Women

Recent studies on the economic status of women in Miami-Dade County (MDC) reveal an alarming rate of economic insecurity and significant obstacles for women to achieve economic security. Consistent barriers to women���s economic security affect not only the health and wellbeing of women and their families, but also economic prospects for the community. A key study reveals in Miami-Dade County, “Thirty-nine percent of single female-headed families with at least one child are living at or below the federal poverty level” and “over half of working women do not earn adequate income to cover their basic necessities” (Brion 2009, 1). Moreover, conventional measures of poverty do not adequately capture women���s struggles to support themselves and their families, nor do they document the numbers of women seeking basic self-sufficiency. Even though there is lack of accurate data on women in the county, which is a critical problem, there is also a dearth of social science research on existing efforts to enhance women���s economic security in Miami-Dade County. My research contributes to closing the information gap by examining the characteristics and strategies of women-led community development organizations (CDOs) in MDC, working to address women���s economic insecurity. The research is informed by a framework developed by Marilyn Gittell, who pioneered an approach to study women-led CDOs in the United States. On the basis of research in nine U.S. cities, she concluded that women-led groups increased community participation and “by creating community networks and civic action, they represent a model for community development efforts” (Gittell, et al. 2000, 123). My study documents the strategies and networks of women-led CDOs in MDC that prioritize women���s economic security. Their strategies are especially important during these times of economic recession and government reductions in funding towards social services. The focus of the research is women-led CDOs that work to improve social services access, economic opportunity, civic participation and capacity, and women���s rights. Although many women-led CDOs prioritize building social infrastructures that promote change, inequalities in economic and political status for women without economic security remain a challenge (Young 2004). My research supports previous studies by Gittell, et al., finding that women-led CDOs in Miami-Dade County have key characteristics of a model of community development efforts that use networking and collaboration to strengthen their broad, integrated approach. The resulting community partnerships, coupled with participation by constituents in the development process, build a foundation to influence policy decisions for social change. In addition, my findings show that women-led CDOs in Miami-Dade County have a major focus on alleviating poverty and economic insecurity, particularly that of women. Finally, it was found that a majority of the five organizations network transnationally, using lessons learned to inform their work of expanding the agency of their constituents and placing the economic empowerment of women as central in the process of family and community development.

Feminist Disability Theory: Domestic Violence Against Women with a Disability

Women with a disability continue to experience social oppression and domestic violence as a consequence of gender and disability dimensions. Current explanations of domestic violence and disability inadequately explain several features that lead women who have a disability to experience violent situations. This article incorporates both disability and material feminist theory as an alternative explanation to the dominant approaches (psychological and sociological traditions) of conceptualising domestic violence. This paper is informed by a study which was concerned with examining the nature and perceptions of violence against women with a physical impairment. The emerging analytical framework integrating material feminist interpretations and disability theory provided a basis for exploring gender and disability dimensions. Insight was also provided by the women who identified as having a disability in the study and who explained domestic violence in terms of a gendered and disabling experience. The article argues that material feminist interpretations and disability theory, with their emphasis on gender relations, disablism and poverty, should be used as an alternative tool for exploring the nature and consequences of violence against women with a disability.