As novas formas de explora????o do trabalho no capitalismo contempor??neo e as pol??ticas p??blicas de combate ?? desigualdade

O mercado de trabalho sofreu profundas transforma????es desde o come??o do capitalismo at?? o momento atual, sendo poss??vel compar??-lo a uma loteria, na qual os trabalhadores passaram a competir entre si por ascens??o profissional. Os bilhetes dessa loteria s??o os investimentos em capital humano. Nela haver??, necessariamente, vencedores e perdedores, com os primeiros apropriando-se do trabalho dos ??ltimos. Dessa realidade, surge uma nova forma de explora????o do trabalho, cujo instrumento de legitima????o ?? o capital humano, que refor??a a tend??ncia inerente do capitalismo ?? gera????o de desigualdade e coloca limita????es ?? vis??o tradicional de combate ?? desigualdade baseada na democratiza????o do capital humano. O crescimento tamb??m tem limita????es na redu????o da desigualdade, tendo em vista que a motiva????o microecon??mica que gera o crescimento macroecon??mico ?? justamente a busca pela desigualdade.

A metáfora e o símile na linguagem profética neo-assírica

O corpus oracular de profecias neo-assírias remonta aos reinados de Assaradão (680-669 a.C.) e de Assurbanípal (668-627 a.C). Estas profecias foram registadas em pequenos relatórios que contemplam, em geral, um oráculo ou, excepcionalmente, mais do que um, mas relativos ao mesmo profeta. Foram também sistematizadas em colecções em que o editor compila vários oráculos, eventualmente transmitidos por profetas diferentes. Estas envolvem um labor literário que reflecte a busca de um sentido comum e a construção de temáticas afins. Por exemplo, a primeira colecção, que consiste em dez textos oraculares, encontra-se estruturada em tomo de mensagens divinas de encorajamento a Assaradão durante o processo político e militar de ascensão ao trono. Já a segunda colecção pressupõe as dificuldades iniciais que se verificam na consolidação do poder, a subsequente procura da estabilidade política e os problemas que se registam então com a Babilônia. Por fim, a terceira colecção reflecte, essencialmente, o tema da aliança entre Assur e o seu protegido, que é uma temática central na ideologia real assíria.

Neo-Modernismos: o artista-engenheiro no século XXI

A partir de Fernando Pessoa e Marinetti desenvolve-se a tese de que os artistas são também engenheiros e os engenheiros orientados por intenções estéticas

Recensão: David Santos, "A Reinvenção do real – Curadoria e Arte contemporânea no Museu do Neo-realismo"

Recensão de: David Santos, "A Reinvenção do real – Curadoria e Arte contemporânea no Museu do Neo-realismo", Lisboa: Sistema Solar CRL (Documenta), 2014

Do kemalismo ao neo-otomanismo: o desenvolvimento político e a «Nova Turquia» de Recep Tayyip Erdogan (2003-2014)

Dissertação de mestrado em Ciência Política

Conscious procreation: neo-malthusianism in southern Europe and Latin America in around 1900

One main concern of Ecological Economics is the balance between human population and natural resources. This is rightly named the Malthusian question because Malthus predicted that human populations, if unchecked, would grow exponentially while agricultural production (and other land-based productions) would be subject to decreasing returns to the labour input. This article shows that over one hundred years ago, there was in Europe and America a successful social movement that called itself Neo-Malthusianism. In contrast to Malthus’ pessimism, it believed that population growth could be stopped among the poor classes by voluntary decisions. Women were entitled to choose the number of children they wanted to have. The movement did not appeal to the State to impose restrictions on population growth. On the contrary, in Southern Europe it was based on "bottom up" activism against governments and the Catholic Church.

Neo/adjuvant chemotherapy does not improve outcome in resected primary synovial sarcoma: a study of the French Sarcoma Group.

BACKGROUND: There are only scarce data about the benefit of adjunctive chemotherapy in patients with localized synovial sarcoma (SS). PATIENTS AND METHODS: Data from 237 SS patients recorded in the database of the French Sarcoma Group were retrospectively analyzed. The respective impact of radiotherapy, neo-adjuvant chemotherapy and adjuvant chemotherapy on overall survival (OS), local recurrence-free survival (LRFS) and distant recurrence-free survival (DRFS) were assessed after adjustment to prognostic factors. RESULTS: The median follow-up was 58 months (range 1-321). Adjuvant, neo-adjuvant chemotherapy and postoperative radiotherapy were administered in 112, 45 and 181 cases, respectively. In all, 59% of patients treated with chemotherapy received an ifosfamide-containing regimen. The 5-year OS, LRFS and DRFS rates were 64.0%, 70% and 57%, respectively. On multivariate analysis, age >35 years old, grade 3 and not-R0 margins were highly significant independent predictors of worse OS. After adjustment to prognostic factors, radiotherapy significantly improved LRFS but not DRFS or OS. Neither neo-adjuvant nor adjuvant chemotherapy had significant impact on OS, LRFS or DRFS. CONCLUSION: As for other high-grade soft-tissue sarcomas, well-planned wide surgical excision with adjuvant radiotherapy remains the cornerstone of treatment for SS. Neo-adjuvant or adjuvant chemotherapy should not be delivered outside a clinical trial setting.

Ecologie et liberté : libéralisme versus républicanisme

La question centrale de ce travail est celle de la relation entre finitude environnementale et liberté individuelle. Par finitude environnementale il faut entendre l'ensemble des contraintes écologiques variées qui posent des limites à l'action humaine. Celles-ci sont de deux types généraux : les limites de disponibilité des ressources naturelles et: les limites de charge des écosystèmes et des grands cycles biogéochimiques globaux (chapitre 1). La thèse défendue ici est que les conceptions libertariennes et libérales de la liberté sont en conflit avec la nécessité de prendre en compte de telles limites et qu'une approche néo-républicaine est mieux à même de répondre à ces enjeux écologiques. Les théories libertariennes, de droite comme de gauche, sont inadaptées à la prise en compte de la finitude des ressources naturelles car elles maintiennent un droit à l'appropriation illimitée de ces dernières par les individus. Ce point est en contradiction avec le caractère systémique de la rareté et avec l'absence de substitut pour certaines ressources indispensables à la poursuite d'une vie décente (chapitres 2 et 3). La théorie libérale de la neutralité, appuyée par le principe du tort (harm principle), est quant à elle inadaptée à la prise en compte des problèmes environnementaux globaux comme le changement climatique. Les mécanismes causaux menant à la création de dommages environnementaux sont en effet indirects et diffus, ce qui empêche l'assignation de responsabilités au niveau individuel. La justification de politiques environnementales contraignantes s'en trouve donc mise en péril (chapitre 4). Ces difficultés proviennent avant tout de deux traits caractéristiques de ces doctrines : leur ontologie sociale atomiste et leur conception de la liberté comme liberté de choix. Le néo-républicanisme de Philip Pettit permet de répondre à ces deux problèmes grâce à son ontologie holiste et à sa conception de la liberté comme non- domination. Cette théorie permet donc à la fois de proposer une conception de la liberté compatible avec la finitude environnementale et de justifier des politiques environnementales exigeantes, sans que le sacrifice en termes de liberté n'apparaisse trop important (chapitre 5). - The centrai issue of this work is that of the relationship between environmental finiteness and individual liberty. By environmental finiteness one should understand the set of diverse ecological constraints that limit human action. These limits are of two general kinds: on the one hand the availability of natural resources, and on the other hand the carrying capacity of ecosystems and biogeochemical cycles (chapter 1}. The thesis defended here is that libertarian and liberal conceptions of liberty conflict with the necessity to take such limits into account, and that a neo-republican approach is best suited to address environmental issues. Libertarian theories, right-wing as well as left-wing, are in particular not able to take resource scarcity into account because they argue for an unlimited right of individuals to appropriate those resources. This point is in contradiction with the systemic nature of scarcity and with the absence of substitutes for some essential resources (chapters 2 and 3). The liberal doctrine of neutrality, as associated with the harm principle, is unsuitable when addressing global environmental issues like climate change. Causal mechanisms leading to environmental harm are indirect and diffuse, which prevents the assignation of individual responsibilities. This makes the justification of coercive environmental policies difficult (chapter 4). These difficulties stem above all from two characteristic features of libertarian and liberal doctrines: their atomistic social ontology and their conception of freedom as liberty of choice. Philip Pettit's neo- republicanism on the other hand is able to address these problems thanks to its holist social ontology and its conception of liberty as non-domination. This doctrine offers a conception of liberty compatible with environmental limits and theoretical resources able to justify demanding environmental policies without sacrificing too much in terms of liberty (chapter 5).