975 resultados para Executive-Legislative relationship


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Dentre os fatores que condicionam a governabilidade nas modernas democracias, encontram-se as relações entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo. Em países que adotam o chamado presidencialismo de coalizão, o Presidente da República, em geral, tende a formar uma ampla base com diversos partidos do Congresso, frequentemente com diferentes orientações políticas, a fim de obter uma base parlamentar que viabilize seu governo. Apesar de ser um recurso de governo típico do parlamentarismo, o presidencialismo brasileiro tem adotado a coalizão a partir das atribuições e formas de relacionamento estabelecidas pela Constituição Federal de 1988, para os dois Poderes. Se, nesse período, o Poder Executivo tem logrado êxito em mobilizar a coalizão parlamentar para aprovação da maioria de suas iniciativas, isto não é verdadeiro para algumas importantes oportunidades. É o caso examinado neste estudo. Em 2007, apesar de a base governista representar a maioria no Congresso Nacional, a Contribuição Provisória sobre Movimentação Financeira (CPMF) foi extinta.

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Objetiva compreender como se dá, com foco na separação e independência dos Poderes, a relação entre Executivo e Legislativo no Brasil após a promulgação da Constituição de 1988. Sob a perspectiva da Câmara dos Deputados, verificou-se, com base na observação dos dispositivos constitucionais e regimentais, que a organização interna do Congresso Nacional centraliza as decisões nos líderes dos partidos, e que para que as iniciativas presidenciais logrem êxito, o Presidente de República é obrigado a formar coalizões com os parlamentares, que são mantidas com base na negociação por cargos e com a liberação de emendas orçamentárias. Com base nas hipóteses levantadas a partir de teorias (em especial os da temática da política pública, da conexão eleitoral e dos ciclos eleitorais), constatou-se que em alguns casos os interesses dos parlamentares prevalecem, apesar da grande coalizão presidencial. A metodologia utilizada foi a análise das medidas provisórias rejeitadas no período compreendido entre 2001 a 2010. Ao final, concluiu-se que o poder decisório do Presidente da República não é inerente de suas prerrogativas legislativas, mas devido ao consentimento dos parlamentares, especialmente dos líderes partidários. É uma situação que, embora restrinja a atuação individual dos parlamentares, fortalece os partidos políticos e seus líderes.

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Esse estudo aborda a relação entre o Legislativo e o Executivo na produção de políticas. Identifica os elementos do sistema de produção legislativa do Brasil (regras estruturantes, atores, recursos, instâncias de decisão e tipos de políticas produzidas) e propõe um modelo para o caso brasileiro de presidencialismo de coalizão, com base em estudos sobre a relação entre o presidente e o Congresso dos EUA e também na vasta produção existente sobre o contexto nacional. O sistema é estruturado pelo marco normativo de maior hierarquia, a Constituição, determinado historicamente, o qual privilegia a governabilidade com accountability e também orienta políticas segundo princípios de equidade, mas com responsabilidade orçamentária. O modelo considera que as agendas estratégicas dos atores são produto de variadas influências, incluindo o status quo (políticas existentes) e as demandas provenientes das conexões normativa e eleitoral. A primeira cria path dependencies e limita opções de política, realçando questões de capacidade de governar. A segunda agrega preferências em torno do pertencimento à coalizão de governo ou à oposição. As proposições legislativas decorrentes das agendas dos atores são processadas em instâncias de decisão pré-determinadas do Congresso Nacional, segundo conteúdo e relevância das matérias, onde os atores interagem por meio da seleção de vias legislativas e de outros recursos estratégicos. O arcabouço sistêmico é integrado às interações estratégicas que ocorrem nas fases de iniciação, apreciação e conclusão da tramitação de proposições legislativas (em três vias distintas: a constitucional, a complementar e a ordinária). Essa estrutura é reforçada por regras que centralizam o processo decisório durante a tramitação no Congresso. Os produtos do sistema são as leis com impacto em políticas públicas. A partir desse modelo, o estudo analisa seus elementos e relações, aplicando-o a um conjunto abrangente de propostas egislativas (cerca de 21 mil proposições sobre todos os temas, apresentadas no Congresso entre 1999 e 2006, nas três vias). São observados indícios de quatro tipos de interação, segundo padrões de conflito e liderança dos atores: liderança da coalizão, liderança do Legislativo, cooperação e impasse. Os dados opõem-se à demarcação da agenda entre os Poderes e indicam que o êxito do Executivo variou inversamente com a hierarquia da via e que o desempenho do Legislativo superou o do Executivo na via constitucional, com destaque para a atividade do Senado, e na via ordinária (apenas no caso dos projetos de lei ordinária, pois os privilégios de iniciativa exclusiva do Executivo para leis orçamentárias e de edição de medidas provisórias, com força imediata de lei, garantem maior desempenho quantitativo a esse Poder nessa via). Contudo, a coalizão predominou amplamente em todas as vias. Análises qualitativas com foco na política de saúde e seu financiamento reforçam esses achados e sugerem que, apesar das muitas regularidades identificadas no sistema (rejeitando teses como a paralisia decisória ou a completa predominância do Executivo), fragmentações na sociedade e no Estado, persistem como fatores que limitam a produção de políticas mais equitativas

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A relação entre governadores e assembleias estaduais no Brasil é marcada pela tese de que os governadores possuem ampla capacidade para estabelecerem um pacto homologatório com os legislativos estaduais. Literatura recente tem buscado comparar as experiências dos diferentes estados. O Rio de Janeiro tem se destacado como um dos casos em que o legislativo conseguiu espaço para levar adiante uma agenda própria. Esse diagnóstico contrasta não só com a tese do poder dos governadores, mas também com a experiência histórica da máquina política chaguista no Estado. Essa tese busca entender como que a relação dos governadores do Estado do Rio de Janeiro com a Assembleia Legislativa do Estado se desenvolveu desde a retomada das eleições diretas para esse cargo em 1982 até o ano de 2010. A principal hipótese é a de que as mudanças no federalismo brasileiro e o ajuste fiscal levados a cabo durante os anos 1990 foram centrais para repactuar a relação entre os dois poderes. Essas mudanças nacionais permitiram que um desejo de maior independência na relação entre os poderes ganhasse espaço. A mudança na relação entre os poderes é comprovada pelo crescimento temporal na quantidade de vetos do governador derrubados pelo legislativo. A tese mostra, no entanto, que o ganho de espaço para atuação do legislativo não significou uma restrição às agendas do Executivo que continuou a ser ator central da política estadual.

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The 1989 Children Act in England and Wales and the derivative 1995 Children (NI) Order in Northern Ireland provide the legislative framework within which issues pertaining to the care and supervision of children that come before the Courts are examined. Both pieces of legislation were intended to address a number of problems with the way that such issues were dealt with by the Court, particularly the tendency for proceedings to become protracted and for children to ‘drift’ in care as a consequence. The imposition of the ‘No Delay’ principle in both jurisdictions was designed specifically to address these concerns. However, since the introduction of both the 1989 Children Act (implemented in October 1991) and the 1995 Children (NI) Order (implemented in November 1996), there has been a steady increase in the average duration of proceedings and concerns remain about the impact that this may be having upon the children involved. This paper presents the findings of a research study (McSherry et al., 2004) that explored the complex relationship between the duration of care proceedings and costs to children in terms of the likelihood of achieving permanency.

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Background

Individuals with Prader-Willi syndrome (PWS) have been shown to demonstrate a particular cognitive deficit in attention switching and high levels of preference for routine and temper outbursts. This study assesses whether a specific pathway between a cognitive deficit and behaviour via environmental interaction can exist in individuals with PWS.

Methods

Four individuals with PWS participated in a series of three single-case experiments including laboratory-based and natural environment designs. Cognitive (computer-based) challenges placed varying demands on attention switching or controlled for the cognitive demands of the tasks while placing no demands on switching. Unexpected changes to routines or expectations were presented in controlled games, or imposed on participants' natural environments and compared with control conditions during which no unexpected changes occurred. Behaviour was observed and heart rate was measured.

Results

Participants showed significantly increased temper outburst related behaviours during cognitive challenges that placed demands on attention switching, relative to the control cognitive challenges. Participants showed significantly increased temper outburst related behaviours when unexpected changes occurred in an experimental or the natural environment compared with when no changes occurred.

Conclusions

Difficult behaviours that could be triggered reliably in an individual by a specific cognitive demand could also be triggered via manipulation of the environment. Results suggest that a directional relationship between a specific cognitive deficit and behaviour, via environmental interaction, can exist in individuals with PWS.

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Cerebral microangiopathy (CMA) has been associated with executive dysfunction and fronto-parietal neural network disruption. Advances in magnetic resonance imaging allow more detailed analyses of gray (e.g., voxel-based morphometry-VBM) and white matter (e.g., diffusion tensor imaging-DTI) than traditional visual rating scales. The current study investigated patients with early CMA and healthy control subjects with all three approaches. Neuropsychological assessment focused on executive functions, the cognitive domain most discussed in CMA. The DTI and age-related white matter changes rating scales revealed convergent results showing widespread white matter changes in early CMA. Correlations were found in frontal and parietal areas exclusively with speeded, but not with speed-corrected executive measures. The VBM analyses showed reduced gray matter in frontal areas. All three approaches confirmed the hypothesized fronto-parietal network disruption in early CMA. Innovative methods (DTI) converged with results from conventional methods (visual rating) while allowing greater spatial and tissue accuracy. They are thus valid additions to the analysis of neural correlates of cognitive dysfunction. We found a clear distinction between speeded and nonspeeded executive measures in relationship to imaging parameters. Cognitive slowing is related to disease severity in early CMA and therefore important for early diagnostics.

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This paper examines the pay-performance relationship between executive cash compensation (including bonuses) and company performance for a sample of large UK companies, focusing particularly on the financial services industry, since incentive misalignment has been blamed as one of the factors causing the global financial crisis of 2007–2008. Although we find that pay in the financial services sector is high, the cash-plus-bonus pay-performance sensitivity of financial firms is not significantly higher than in other sectors. Consequently, we conclude that it unlikely that incentive structures could be held responsible for inducing bank executives to focus on short-term results.

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The purpose of this study was to specify a set of attributes, identified as important precursors to coach selection. Executive coaching has grown exponentially, but there have been few studies as to the efficacy of coaching, including the factors that influence a manager's choice of coach. This study sought to identify these factors. The 45-item, online survey produced 267 useable responses. Results of the principal component analysis suggested a five-factor solution, with women showing a statistically significant preference over men for coaches who have the Ability to Develop Critical Thinking and Action, the Ability to Forge the Coaching Partnership and Coach Experience and Qualifications. The impact of coachee age was not significant in selecting executive coaches. The findings show a statistically significant relationship between coach attributes and the intention to continue with coaching. The implications of these findings for the selection of coaches, and for the coaching profession are discussed.

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Research objectives Poker and responsible gambling both entail the use of the executive functions (EF), which are higher-level cognitive abilities. The main objective of this work was to assess if online poker players of different ability show different performances in their EF and if so, which functions are the most discriminating ones. The secondary objective was to assess if the EF performance can predict the quality of gambling, according to the Gambling Related Cognition Scale (GRCS), the South Oaks Gambling Screen (SOGS) and the Problem Gambling Severity Index (PGSI). Sample and methods The study design consisted of two stages: 46 Italian active players (41m, 5f; age 32±7,1ys; education 14,8±3ys) fulfilled the PGSI in a secure IT web system and uploaded their own hand history files, which were anonymized and then evaluated by two poker experts. 36 of these players (31m, 5f; age 33±7,3ys; education 15±3ys) accepted to take part in the second stage: the administration of an extensive neuropsychological test battery by a blinded trained professional. To answer the main research question we collected all final and intermediate scores of the EF tests on each player together with the scoring on the playing ability. To answer the secondary research question, we referred to GRCS, PGSI and SOGS scores.  We determined which variables that are good predictors of the playing ability score using statistical techniques able to deal with many regressors and few observations (LASSO, best subset algorithms and CART). In this context information criteria and cross-validation errors play a key role for the selection of the relevant regressors, while significance testing and goodness-of-fit measures can lead to wrong conclusions.   Preliminary findings We found significant predictors of the poker ability score in various tests. In particular, there are good predictors 1) in some Wisconsin Card Sorting Test items that measure flexibility in choosing strategy of problem-solving, strategic planning, modulating impulsive responding, goal setting and self-monitoring, 2) in those Cognitive Estimates Test variables related to deductive reasoning, problem solving, development of an appropriate strategy and self-monitoring, 3) in the Emotional Quotient Inventory Short (EQ-i:S) Stress Management score, composed by the Stress Tolerance and Impulse Control scores, and in the Interpersonal score (Empathy, Social Responsibility, Interpersonal Relationship). As for the quality of gambling, some EQ-i:S scales scores provide the best predictors: General Mood for the PGSI; Intrapersonal (Self-Regard; Emotional Self-Awareness, Assertiveness, Independence, Self-Actualization) and Adaptability  (Reality Testing, Flexibility, Problem Solving) for the SOGS, Adaptability for the GRCS. Implications for the field Through PokerMapper we gathered knowledge and evaluated the feasibility of the construction of short tasks/card games in online poker environments for profiling users’ executive functions. These card games will be part of an IT system able to dynamically profile EF and provide players with a feedback on their expected performance and ability to gamble responsibly in that particular moment. The implementation of such system in existing gambling platforms could lead to an effective proactive tool for supporting responsible gambling. 

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This paper examines whether the financial performance of the firm is associated with the risk-taking propensity of executives, which is inferred from the structure of their share option portfolio. The objective of this paper is to determine if executives have greater risk bearing preferences when they have more share options than shares in their firm. In turn, executives' risk-taking preferences suggest that these decision-makers adopt value-increasing strategies. The results of this study support this notion. The results of the study of 182 Australian firms demonstrate that the negative relationship between firm risk and firm performance is weaker when executives hold a higher proportion of share options than shares in their investment in the firm. These results hold implications for executives' compensation contracts. That is, executives who share in their firms' risk via share options are more likely to undertake risky activities with high-expected performance outcome.

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In 2004 The High Court handed down a number of decisions concerning detention imposed for purposes allegedly unrelated to punishment. This paper outlines the way the Federal Constitution restricts (and also facilitates) the imposition of "non punitive detention" by our governments. Such laws (as passed by the Federal Legislature) are constitutionally valid provided they can be characterised as falling within a legislative head of power under  section 51 off he Constitution. The power to detain for non punitive purposes can be reposed by the Legislature in the either the Executive or Judicial arms of government. Detention by the Executive is non punitive (and therefore does not offend the separation of powers) even though it involves a deprivation of liberty, provided it is imposed for “legitimate non punitive purposes”.  Legitimacy is in turn determined by reference to the section 51 heads of power. Detention for non punitive purposes by the judicial arm of government is constitutionally valid provided that (i) a “judicial process ” is adopted and (ii) (arguably) there is some link (albeit tenuous) with a previous finding of criminal guilt. The continuing existence of the “constitutional immunity ”from being detained by other than judicial order identified by the High Court in its 1992 decision in Lim v Minister for Immigration is called into question.