932 resultados para Cognitive development


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Dans le domaine de la perception, l'apprentissage est contraint par la présence d'une architecture fonctionnelle constituée d'aires corticales distribuées et très spécialisées. Dans le domaine des troubles visuels d'origine cérébrale, l'apprentissage d'un patient hémi-anopsique ou agnosique sera limité par ses capacités perceptives résiduelles, mais un déficit de reconnaissance visuelle de nature apparemment perceptive, peut également être associé à une altération des représentations en mémoire à long terme. Des réseaux neuronaux distincts pour la reconnaissance - cortex temporal - et pour la localisation des sons - cortex pariétal - ont été décrits chez l'homme. L'étude de patients cérébro-lésés confirme le rôle des indices spatiaux dans un traitement auditif explicite du « where » et dans la discrimination implicite du « what ». Cette organisation, similaire à ce qui a été décrit dans la modalité visuelle, faciliterait les apprentissages perceptifs. Plus généralement, l'apprentissage implicite fonde une grande partie de nos connaissances sur le monde en nous rendant sensible, à notre insu, aux règles et régularités de notre environnement. Il serait impliqué dans le développement cognitif, la formation des réactions émotionnelles ou encore l'apprentissage par le jeune enfant de sa langue maternelle. Le caractère inconscient de cet apprentissage est confirmé par l'étude des temps de réaction sériels de patients amnésiques dans l'acquisition d'une grammaire artificielle. Son évaluation pourrait être déterminante dans la prise en charge ré-adaptative. [In the field of perception, learning is formed by a distributed functional architecture of very specialized cortical areas. For example, capacities of learning in patients with visual deficits - hemianopia or visual agnosia - from cerebral lesions are limited by perceptual abilities. Moreover a visual deficit in link with abnormal perception may be associated with an alteration of representations in long term (semantic) memory. Furthermore, perception and memory traces rely on parallel processing. This has been recently demonstrated for human audition. Activation studies in normal subjects and psychophysical investigations in patients with focal hemispheric lesions have shown that auditory information relevant to sound recognition and that relevant to sound localisation are processed in parallel, anatomically distinct cortical networks, often referred to as the "What" and "Where" processing streams. Parallel processing may appear counterintuitive from the point of view of a unified perception of the auditory world, but there are advantages, such as rapidity of processing within a single stream, its adaptability in perceptual learning or facility of multisensory interactions. More generally, implicit learning mechanisms are responsible for the non-conscious acquisition of a great part of our knowledge about the world, using our sensitivity to the rules and regularities structuring our environment. Implicit learning is involved in cognitive development, in the generation of emotional processing and in the acquisition of natural language. Preserved implicit learning abilities have been shown in amnesic patients with paradigms like serial reaction time and artificial grammar learning tasks, confirming that implicit learning mechanisms are not sustained by the cognitive processes and the brain structures that are damaged in amnesia. In a clinical perspective, the assessment of implicit learning abilities in amnesic patients could be critical for building adapted neuropsychological rehabilitation programs.]

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RNA polymerase III (Pol III) synthesizes tRNAs and other small noncoding RNAs to regulate protein synthesis. Dysregulation of Pol III transcription has been linked to cancer, and germline mutations in genes encoding Pol III subunits or tRNA processing factors cause neurogenetic disorders in humans, such as hypomyelinating leukodystrophies and pontocerebellar hypoplasia. Here we describe an autosomal recessive disorder characterized by cerebellar hypoplasia and intellectual disability, as well as facial dysmorphic features, short stature, microcephaly, and dental anomalies. Whole-exome sequencing revealed biallelic missense alterations of BRF1 in three families. In support of the pathogenic potential of the discovered alleles, suppression or CRISPR-mediated deletion of brf1 in zebrafish embryos recapitulated key neurodevelopmental phenotypes; in vivo complementation showed all four candidate mutations to be pathogenic in an apparent isoform-specific context. BRF1 associates with BDP1 and TBP to form the transcription factor IIIB (TFIIIB), which recruits Pol III to target genes. We show that disease-causing mutations reduce Brf1 occupancy at tRNA target genes in Saccharomyces cerevisiae and impair cell growth. Moreover, BRF1 mutations reduce Pol III-related transcription activity in vitro. Taken together, our data show that BRF1 mutations that reduce protein activity cause neurodevelopmental anomalies, suggesting that BRF1-mediated Pol III transcription is required for normal cerebellar and cognitive development.

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The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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La influència de les arts en el desenvolupament cognitiu, és el tema d’aquest Treball de Final de Grau. La recerca ha consistit en descobrir i conèixer quines són les capacitats que es desperten en la nostra ment al relacionar-nos amb les arts plàstiques. Diversos psicòlegs experts en el desenvolupament cognitiu i professionals de les arts, són els que han permès aprofundir en la identificació d’algunes de les capacitats que la cognició desenvolupa amb l’ajuda de l’art. La realització d’una intervenció educativa amb infants d’escola bressol i la mirada profunda d’un projecte educatiu d’una escola, han deixat observar la realitat del què passa quan es realitzen propostes artístiques, quines són les parts de la ment que es desperten durant el procés. Per saber si les arts són avantatjoses o no en la nostra evolució, s’ha elaborat una comparació minuciosa entre els arguments i explicacions dels autors consultats, la pròpia vivència al centre de pràctiques i el projecte educatiu d’una escola.

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El propòsit d’aquest estudi és fer un anàlisi de la importància de l’educació emocional en el desenvolupament social i cognitiu dels alumnes d’educació primària. Per això, en primer lloc es presenta un marc teòric basat en les aportacions i els descobriments de diferents autors sobre diversos aspectes relacionats amb les emocions. En segon lloc, es presenta un estudi de cas, fet a una aula de cinquè de primària, que mostra quin tractament es fa de les emocions a l’aula i com aquest influeix en diferents aspectes com les relacions socials i l’aprenentatge. Per últim, es fa un anàlisi de les dades recollides en aquest estudi i se’n mostren els resultats, a partir dels quals es va considerar fer una possible proposta de millora que es presenta al final.

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Main pharmacovigilance updates in 2011 are reviewed. Dronedarone: Serious cardio-vascular and hepatic adverse reactions for a questionable efficacy. Long-term proton pump inhibitors: A cause of hypomagnesemia. Bisphosphonates: A risk of atypical femoral fractures. Dasatinib: Cases of pulmonary arterial hypertension reported. Lenalidomide: A risk of second primary malignancies. Daptomycine: Cases of eosinophilic pneumonia reported. Tigecycline: Inferior to comparators. Drotrecogin alfa: Market withdrawal due to lack of efficacy. Nimesulide: More hepatotoxic than other NSAIDs. Topiramate: Evidence of teratogenicity (oral clefts). Valproate: Impaired cognitive development in addition to well-known teratogenicity. Antipsychotics in late pregnancy: A risk of neonatal complications.

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The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

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The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

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Absorption, transport and storage of iron are tightly regulated, as expected for an element, which is both essential and potentially toxic. Iron deficiency is the leading cause of anaemia, and it also compromises immune function and cognitive development. Iron overload damages the liver and other organs in hereditary hemochromatosis, and in thalassaemia patients with both transfusion and non-transfusionrelated iron accumulation. Excess iron has harmful effects in chronic liver diseases caused by excessive alcohol, obesity or viruses. There is evidence for involvement of iron in neurodegenerative diseases and in Type 2 diabetes. Variation in transferrin saturation, a biomarker of iron status, has been associated with mortality in patients with diabetes and in the general population13. All these associations between iron and either clinical disease or pathological processes make it important to understand the causes of variation in iron status. Importantly, information on genetic causes of variation can be used in Mendelian randomization studies to test whether variation in iron status is a cause or consequence of disease. We have used biomarkers of iron status (serum iron, transferrin, transferrin saturation and ferritin), which are commonly used clinically and readily measurable in thousands of individuals, and carried out a meta-analysis of human genomewide association study (GWAS) data from 11 discovery and eight replication cohorts. Our aims were to identify additional loci affecting markers of iron status in the general population and to relate the significant loci to information on gene expression to identify relevant genes. We also made an initial assessment of whether any such loci affect iron status in HFE C282Y homozygotes, who are at genetic risk of HFE-related iron overload (hereditary hemochromatosis type 1, OMIM #235200)

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The present work is aimed at reporting an educational experience about the conservation of the substance and the cognitive theories of Jean Piaget & Lev S. Vygotsky. This activity was carried out with 1st course students in the practical classes of the subject called Psicologia de l"educació i del desenvolupament en l"edat escolar, within the Teacher Training studies of the University of Girona. This experience was inspired by a proposal of González, Fuentes, de la Morena and Barajas (1995), in which the students have to analyse, using the solid and liquid conservation tasks created by Piaget and his colleagues from the Genevan School, the transition from the preoperational to the operational thought in infants aged from 4 to 8. This proposal has been adapted in order to analyse not only the infants" level of cognitive development but also what they can learn with the help of another person. Consequently, the students have chosen, administered and evaluated the support given to the children. Additionally, the different strategies used by the students in order to promote the infants" comprehension of the conservation have been studied and classified, which has allowed the reflection about other possible methods to teach and to show how to teach this concept El present treball pretén explicar una experiència docent sobre la conservació de la substància i les teories cognitives de Jean Piaget i Lev S. Vygotsky, en el marc de les pràctiques de l"assignatura Psicologia de l"educació i del desenvolupament en l"edat escolar amb alumnes 1r curs de la Diplomatura de Magisteri de la Universitat de Girona. Aquesta experiència s"ha inspirat en una proposta de González, Fuentes, de la Morena i Barajas (1995), en la qual els alumnes han d"analitzar el pas del pensament preoperatori al pensament operatori en infants de 4 a 8 anys, a través de tasques de conservació de la substància sòlida i líquida, les quals ja foren utilitzades per Piaget i els seus col·laboradors de l"Escola de Ginebra. Aquesta proposta ha estat adaptada per tal d"intentar analitzar el nivell de desenvolupament cognitiu dels infants no només a partir del que aquests són capaços de comprendre per sí sols sinó també a través d"ajudes, les quals han estat escollides, administrades i valorades pels propis estudiants. En aquesta revisió de la pràctica, s"han volgut delimitar les diferents estratègies utilitzades pels estudiants per tal de promoure la comprensió de la conservació en els infants, fet que ha permès la reflexió sobre d"altres possibles formes d"ensenyar i ensenyar a ensenyar aquest concep

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Os games digitais possuem um valor educativo importante e têm sido reconhecidos pelos educadores como um rico e produtivo espaço que proporciona conteúdos de aprendizagem para os estudantes, melhorando, através dele, o desenvolvimento cognitivo do aluno. Este artigo explora as oportunidades cognitivas dos games digitais como uma ferramenta de aprendizagem e mostra um estudo de caso: o jogo de Joan de Peratallada. O objetivo desse estudo é promover o diálogo e a possível colaboração entre um jogo digital cognitivo aplicado as escolas primárias de forma a colaborar com a ensino de historia de Catalunha, Espanha.

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Tämän tutkielman tavoitteena oli perehtyä niihin eri tekijöihin, jotka muokkaavat lapsille suunnattujen mainosten ulkoasua ja sisältöä. Lapsella tässä tutkimuksessa tarkoitetaan alle 12-vuotiasta lasta, tutkimuksen pääpaino oli kuitenkin alle kouluikäisissä, 3-6 -vuotiaissa lapsissa. Tutkimuksen tutkimusmetodologia on kvalitatiivinen haastattelututkimus. Tutkimusta varten haastateltiin 16 alle kouluikäistä lasta, yhdeksää tyttöä ja seitsemää poikaa. Lapsille suunnattujen mainosten sisältöön ja ulkoasuun vaikuttavat muiden muassa. seuraavat tekijät: 1. ulkoinen säätely (lait, asetukset, kuluttaja-asiamiehen ohjeet, EU-direktiivit), 2. sisäinen säätely (mainostajien alan oma eettinen ohjeistus), 3. lapsen ikä ja kehitysaste sekä 4. lapsen mielipiteet. Suunniteltaessa lapsille suunnattua mainontaa, ulkoisen ja sisäisen säätelyn antamien ohjenuorien lisäksi on mainosviestin ymmärtämisen kannalta tärkeää huomioida lapsen kognitiivinen kehitysaste ja sen vaikutus lapsen kykyyn ymmärtää mainoksia. Lapsen mielipiteeseen siitä, millainen on hyvä mainos ja millaisista mainoksista hän ei pidä vaikuttaa iän lisäksi hyvin vahvasti lapsen sukupuoli.