Financial protection in the UK building industry: bonds, retentions and guarantees

Financial Protection in the UK Building Industry provides comprehensive treatment of a complex aspect of construction management which is increasingly important in modern construction contracts. The term 'Financial Protection' refers to refers to the various mechanisms by which funds are made available to ensure the due performance of a partys contractual obligations. This book is based on material written for a research project funded by the Reading Construction Forum. Financial Protection in the UK Building Industry looks at the legal and economic background to the problem of providing financial protection to clients to guard against poor performance and or the insolvency of contractors, consultants and sub-contractors. The inclusion of practical guidance notes and summaries makes this a valuable guide for the construction professional as well as for the researcher. * provides in-depth analysis of financial protection measures * explores the ways in which financial protection can increase efficiency in the industry * financial protection in construction is beset with problems - this book points toward practical solutions

Experimental duopolies under price guarantees

In a symmetric differentiated experimental duopoly we test the ability of Price Guarantees (PGs) to raise prices above the competitive levels. Different types of PGs (‘aggressive’ and ‘soft’ price-beating and price-matching) are implemented either as an exogenously imposed market rule or as a business strategy. Our results show that PGs may lead close to the collusive outcome, depending on whether the interaction between duopolists is repeated and provided that the guarantee is not of the ‘aggressive’ price-beating type.

Pro-competitive price beating guarantees: experimental evidence

We report experimental results on duopoly pricing with and without price beating guarantees (PBG). In two control treatments, price beating is either imposed as an industry-wide rule or offered as a business strategy. Our major finding is that when price beating guarantees are imposed as a rule or offered as an option, effective prices are equal to or lower than those in a baseline treatment in which price beating is forbidden. Also, when price beating is treated as a business strategy, less than 50% of subjects adopted the guarantee, suggesting that, subjects realize the pro-competitive effects of the guarantee.

Whatever works: proportionality as a constitutional doctrine

In The Global Model of Constitutional Rights Kai Möller claims that the proportionality test is underlain by an expansive moral right to autonomy. This putative right protects everything that advances one’s self-conception. It may of course be limited when balanced against other considerations such as the rights of others. But it always creates a duty on the state to justify the limitation. Möller further contends that the practice of proportionality can best be understood as protecting the right to autonomy. This review article summarizes the main tenets of Möller’s theory and criticizes them on two counts. First, it disputes the existence of a general right to autonomy; such a right places an unacceptably heavy burden on others. Second, it argues that we do not need to invoke a right to autonomy to explain and justify the main features of the practice of proportionality. Like other constitutional doctrines, proportionality is defensible, if it is grounded in pragmatic –mainly epistemic and institutional- considerations about how to increase overall rights compliance. These considerations are independent of any substantive theory of rights.

After the referendum: options for a constitutional convention

Whatever the result of Scotland’s independence referendum, careful constitutional thinking will be needed. If Scots vote Yes, Scotland will need a new constitution and the rest of the UK will have to rethink its governing structures. Even in the event of a No vote, everyone agrees that the shape of the Union will need to change over the coming years. This paper examines how such constitution-making should take place. It sets out the options, gathers evidence from around the world on how those options might work, and weighs the advantages and disadvantages of each alternative. It concludes that constitutional proposals in the UK should best be developed by a convention comprising a mixture of ordinary members of the public and politicians; these proposals should be put to a referendum. This approach, the paper argues, offers the best route to high-quality debate, stronger democratic engagement, and, ultimately, deeper legitimacy for our governing structures.

Constitutional Haploinsufficiency of Tumor Suppressor Genes in Mentally Retarded Patients With Microdeletions in 17p13.1

Chromosome microdeletions or duplications are detected in 10-20% of patients with mental impairment and normal karyotypes. A few cases have been reported of mental impairment with microdeletions comprising tumor suppressor genes. By array-CGH we detected 4 mentally impaired individuals carrying de novo microdeletions sharing an overlapping segment of similar to 180 kb in 17p13.1. This segment encompasses 18 genes, including 3 involved in cancer, namely KCTD11/REN, DLG4/PSD95, and GPS2. Furthermore, in 2 of the patients, the deletions also included TP53, the most frequently inactivated gene in human cancers. The 3 tumor suppressor genes KCTD11, DLG4, and GPS2, in addition to the GABARAP gene, have a known or suspected function in neuronal development and are candidates for causing mental impairment in our patients. Among our 4 patients with deletions in 17p13.1, 3 were part of a Brazilian cohort of 300 mentally retarded individuals, suggesting that this segment may be particularly prone to rearrangements and appears to be an important cause (similar to 1%) of mental retardation. Further, the constitutive deletion of tumor suppressor genes in these patients, particularly TP53, probably confers a significantly increased lifetime risk for cancer and warrants careful oncological surveillance of these patients. Constitutional chromosome deletions containing tumor suppressor genes in patients with mental impairment or congenital abnormalities may represent an important mechanism linking abnormal phenotypes with increased risks of cancer. Copyright (C) 2009 S. Karger AG, Basel

O acesso a justiça no estado do Maranhão e a implementação dos recursos do fundo especial para reaparelhamento do judiciário: a visão dos juízes de 1º grau

O direito à assistência está subsidiado pela Constituição Federal de 1988 como um direito fundamental de todos os cidadãos considerados hipossuficientes. Em face dessa gratuidade, direito fundamental, são protegidos e viabilizados outros princípios constitucionais maiores, como a igualdade entre os cidadãos, haja vista a desigualdade social e econômica evidenciadas na sociedade brasileira. Portanto, é imprescindível um instrumento que garanta o acesso à tutela jurisdicional. Através de pesquisa realizada com os magistrados das entrâncias do Estado do Maranhão, todos possuem conhecimento da finalidade do Fundo Especial para Reaparelhamento do Judiciário (FERJ), apenas um pequeno número dos juízes desconhecem o plano de elaboração e execução de programas e projetos para a modernização e o desenvolvimento dos serviços judiciários. Assim, torna-se grande o número de processos acumulados, em face do número insuficiente de juízes, além da burocracia excessiva que dificultam o andamento das ações. Conclui-se que, a reestruturação do Poder Judiciário no Maranhão não trouxe as melhorias esperadas.

Da tradição à eleição: o uso político da cultura por meio da gesta oficial

A Constituição da República, em seu artigo 215 determina que o Estado garanta a todos o pleno exercício dos direitos culturais e acesso às fontes da cultura nacional, além de apoiar e incentivar a valorização e a difusão das manifestações culturais. Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar como a festa oficial é utilizada para fins políticos-eleitoreiros. A pesquisa de campo contou com a observação não participante nas festas juninas de Mossoró, Patos, Campina Grande, Caruaru e São Luis. A partir dos resultados da fase de observação, a coleta dos dados primários ocorreu nos municípios de São Luis e Campina Grande, sem a intenção de comparação entre os respondentes. As informações obtidas com as entrevistas foram alvo de uma análise de conteúdo, momento em que se revelaram percepções, valores e novos elementos a serem analisados a partir da categorização das falas dos informantes. Sob a alegação do apoio e incentivo às manifestações, o governo vem consolidando um processo de apropriação da cultura tradicional e popular, criando nos atores e grupos culturais uma dependência que leva à sujeição. Como resultado, o governo passa a dominar a cena cultural classificando e comandando a reprodução das manifestações da cultura tradicional e popular, com favorecimentos e discriminações, na constante campanha que se desenrola de forma explícita, em discursos e na própria atuação dos atores políticos. O governo deve agir no campo cultural, de modo que permita o pleno exercício dos direitos culturais de todos, conforme mandamento constitucional. Entretanto, sua atuação como produtor cultural prescinde da participação social, e a festa oficial, mais do que atender às necessidades e demandas culturais, vem justificando uma intervenção indevida e direcionada a questões de interesse político, principalmente para vincular a imagem do governo à cultura, na qualidade de seu protetor. Essa comprovação ajuda a responder o problema formulado e confirma a tese de que a festa oficial é o meio de apropriação da cultura tradicional e popular para fins de uso político-eleitoreiro.

Sacredness of the constitutional text and interpretative heresy: the Brazilian Supreme Court decision on same-sex civil unions

The paper provides a close lecture of the arguments and methods of legal construction, employed in the extensive individual opinions written by the Justices of the Brazilian Supreme Court in the case which authorized the same sex civil union. After tracing an outline of the legal problem and his possible solutions, we analyze the individual opinions, showing their methodological syncretism, the use of legal methods and arguments in a contradictory way as well the deficiencies in the reasoning. The Justices use legal arguments, but do not meet the requirements of rationality in the decision-making. We have a rhetorical attempt that aims to satisfy the public opinion than to offer a comprehensive and coherent solution according the normative elements of the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988.