O partido da social democracia brasileira: trajetoria e ideologia

O Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) surgiu em 1987, como uma opção de centro-esquerda, e, de acordo com seus fundadores a agremiação nasceu alinhada com a ideologia social-democrata. Contudo, desde sua origem o partido apresenta duas diferenças fundamentais em relação aos partidos social-democratas europeus: não tem vínculos com movimentos trabalhistas e defende o liberalismo de mercado. No decorrer de sua história, o partido muda da centro-esquerda para a centro-direita demonstrando mais claramente sua verdadeira inclinação ideológica, fato que pode ser observado no posicionamento de sua bancada, no auto-posicionamento e nas políticas que foram implementadas nos anos em que esteve à frente do executivo federal. A análise dos documentos do PSDB nos revela que a mudança do partido não foi de algo pragmático, na verdade o partido já apresentava simpatia às políticas pró-mercado em seus manifestos desde sua fundação.

Prosomal-width-to-weight relationships in American horseshoe crabs (Limulus polyphemus): examining conversion factors used to estimate landings

Horseshoe crabs (Limulus polyphemus) are valued by many stakeholders, including the commercial fishing industry, biomedical companies, and environmental interest groups. We designed a study to test the accuracy of the conversion factors that were used by NOAA Fisheries and state agencies to estimate horseshoe crab landings before mandatory reporting that began in 1998. Our results indicate that the NOAA Fisheries conversion factor consistently overestimates the weight of male horseshoe crabs, particularly those from New England populations. Because of the inaccuracy of this and other conversion factors, states are now mandated to report the number (not biomass) and sex of landed horseshoe crabs. However, accurate estimates of biomass are still necessary for use in prediction models that are being developed to better manage the horseshoe crab fishery. We recommend that managers use the conversion factors presented in this study to convert current landing data from numbers to biomass of harvested horseshoe crabs for future assessments.

Distribution of red deepsea crab (Chaceon quinquedens) by size and sex in the Gulf of Mexico

The red deepsea crab (Chaceon quinquedens (Smith, 1879)) has supported a commercial fishery off the coast of New England since the 1970s (Wigley et al., 1975) and has had annual harvests from 400 metric tons (t) (1996) to 4000 t (2001) (NEFMC, 2002). In 2002, a fishery management plan for the northeast fishery on the Atlantic coast was implemented and total allowable catch was reduced to approximately 2500 t (NEFMC, 2002). Although there are management plans for the golden crab (C. fenneri) and the red deep sea crab for Atlantic coast regions, there is no fishery management plan for red deepsea crabs in the Gulf of Mexico. Successful management for sustainable harvests should be based on a knowledge of the life history of the species, but C. quinquedens has been a difficult species for which to obtain life history and abundance information because of its deep distribution.

Esportes e lazer como instrumentos políticos da Era Vargas e governo Lula: aproximações e particularidades

Esta Tese de Doutorado foi elaborada com a pretensão de contribuir para as reflexões políticas acerca do lazer e dos esportes. A compreensão que há confusões conceituais entre eles e a convicção de que suas características favorecem o uso ideológico dessas práticas foram determinantes para o aprofundamento destes estudos. Nosso entendimento é que essas atividades se legitimam como direitos sociais e, como tal, deveriam ser contempladas no conjunto das Políticas Públicas sejam em nível federal, estadual ou municipal. Entretanto, aqui se revelam as contradições que subsidiam as análises centrais dessa Tese. É fato que o lazer e os esportes estiveram presentes nos programas das políticas sociais de diferentes governos brasileiros em distintas épocas, entretanto, o protagonismo atribuído a eles está marcado pela ideologização de suas propostas de ação. Essa hipótese pôde ser comprovada na recuperação histórica que fizemos neste trabalho. O objetivo principal da pesquisa era a análise das Políticas Públicas de Esportes e Lazer implementadas pela Era Vargas e Governo Lula para estabelecer comparações entre eles e, por esse motivo nos dedicamos a esses dois períodos históricos, emblemáticos e permeados de contradições políticas e sociais. Inquietava-nos a percepção de que, dois governos ideologicamente distintos fizessem uso dos mesmos instrumentos no diálogo com a classe trabalhadora. A contextualização dos governos dos dois líderes demarcou a analogia entre eles na utilização dos preceitos desenvolvimentistas, nacionalistas e populistas. Ainda que essas aproximações em níveis mais gerais tenham apontado coincidências relevantes, a principal constatação de nossa Tese foi a similaridade no uso ideológico do lazer e dos esportes, o que comprovou nossas intuições iniciais. Enquanto Getúlio Vargas associou as concessões de direitos trabalhistas aos programas de Recreação Operária e ao estímulo do ufanismo nacional articulado com a seleção brasileira de futebol, Lula adotou o assistencialismo explícito, incentivou a espetacularização dos esportes de rendimento e proporcionou a realização histórica dos Megaeventos Esportivos em série, no Brasil. Na Era Vargas foi possível constatar o lazer contribuindo para a domesticação dos corpos, os esportes para estabelecer uma relação harmoniosa entre dominantes e dominados e o futebol para a divulgação do regime interna e externamente. Já no Governo Lula, percebemos a retração das políticas sociais nas questões do lazer; os programas de esportes, predominantemente voltados para a descoberta de talentos e a priorização do espetáculo esportivo. A análise que fizemos não deixa dúvidas que os princípios liberais de fortalecimento do capital e aumento dos lucros, norteadores da política econômica mundial e balizadores da política macro do Governo Lula, se refletiram na definição de suas Políticas Públicas de Esportes e Lazer, que em nosso entendimento se resumiram na realização dos Megaeventos Esportivos.

Capital financeiro, fundo público e políticas sociais : uma análise do lugar do gasto social no governo Lula

O orçamento constitui um instrumento imprescindível para avaliarmos as prioridades de um governo e as disputas existentes entre as diferentes classes sociais no que diz respeito à apropriação dos recursos do fundo público. Neste sentido, uma aproximação cuidadosa acerca das particularidades que vêm assumindo a dinâmica de acumulação capitalista, bem como das contradições que envolvem o processo de luta e implementação das políticas sociais, parecem elementos que contribuem para nos ajudar a entender de que forma esta disputa vem acontecendo. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o lugar do gasto social no governo Lula. Para tanto, consideramos importante analisar os principais elementos da dinâmica de acumulação capitalista tendo como referência a constituição do capital financeiro e o processo de financeirização da economia; discutir a relação entre divida pública, financeirização e crise do capital; apreender as tendências da política social, buscando identificar sua configuração na atualidade; resgatar o processo de formação do Brasil para pensar o governo Lula e a dinâmica da luta de classes na atualidade; e analisar os gastos sociais do governo federal, tendo como base a metodologia desenvolvida pelo IPEA, considerando o período de 2004 a 2011. Por entendermos os gastos sociais como reflexo de um processo de correlação de forças que tem, na relação entre capital e trabalho sua dimensão fundante, esta análise não pode ter um fim em si mesma. Ao contrário, entender as particularidades da dinâmica de acumulação no tempo presente é imprescindível para apreender os movimentos do capital e sua força para fazer valer os seus interesses no enfrentamento às resistências impostas pela classe trabalhadora e desta para lutar contra seus grilhões. A atuação do Estado só pode ser entendida em meio a este terreno de luta de classes e suas decisões expressam o poder destas classes de impor suas demandas, além de trazerem consigo o traço das heranças do passado, em especial os vínculos de dependência e subalternidade aos interesses imperialistas. A ausência de ruptura com o capital que marca a ascensão do Partido dos Trabalhadores ao governo federal é permeado por contradições e a análise de seus resultados situa-se em uma série de polêmicas, muitas das quais somente um maior distanciamento histórico permitirá avaliar. Isto não significa que não seja possível empreender um esforço no sentido de identificar as mudanças em curso e levantar as contradições, os limites e as possibilidades abertas pelos mandatos do presidente Lula. De maneira geral, podemos dizer que não houve avanços estruturais significativos neste governo e que a lógica da gestão dos recursos que prioriza o pagamento da dívida pública permanece tendo sofrido alterações pontuais. Entretanto, existem algumas diferenças na composição do gasto social. Estas estão mais atreladas ao provimento de programas voltados para a população de baixa renda do que à melhoria substantiva na garantia das políticas sociais universais. De qualquer forma, seu efeito sobre a melhoria nas condições de vida e de acesso ao consumo de uma parcela da população pode ser sentido.

The Bay Scallop, Argopecten irradians, Massachusetts Through North Carolina: Its Biology and the History of Its Habitats and Fisheries

This article covers the biology and the history of the bay scallop habitats and fishery from Massachusetts to North Carolina. The scallop species that ranges from Massachusetts to New York is Argopecten irradians irradians. In New Jersey, this species grades into A. i. concentricus, which then ranges from Maryland though North Carolina. Bay scallops inhabit broad, shallow bays usually containing eelgrass meadows, an important component in their habitat. Eelgrass appears to be a factor in the production of scallop larvae and also the protection of juveniles, especially, from predation. Bay scallops spawn during the warm months and live for 18–30 months. Only two generations of scallops are present at any time. The abundances of each vary widely among bays and years. Scallops were harvested along with other mollusks on a small scale by Native Americans. During most of the 1800’s, people of European descent gathered them at wading depths or from beaches where storms had washed them ashore. Scallop shells were also and continue to be commonly used in ornaments. Some fishing for bay scallops began in the 1850’s and 1860’s, when the A-frame dredge became available and markets were being developed for the large, white, tasty scallop adductor muscles, and by the 1870’s commercial-scale fishing was underway. This has always been a cold-season fishery: scallops achieve full size by late fall, and the eyes or hearts (adductor muscles) remain preserved in the cold weather while enroute by trains and trucks to city markets. The first boats used were sailing catboats and sloops in New England and New York. To a lesser extent, scallops probably were also harvested by using push nets, picking them up with scoop nets, and anchor-roading. In the 1910’s and 1920’s, the sails on catboats were replaced with gasoline engines. By the mid 1940’s, outboard motors became more available and with them the numbers of fishermen increased. The increases consisted of parttimers who took leaves of 2–4 weeks from their regular jobs to earn extra money. In the years when scallops were abundant on local beds, the fishery employed as many as 10–50% of the towns’ workforces for a month or two. As scallops are a higher-priced commodity, the fishery could bring a substantial amount of money into the local economies. Massachusetts was the leading state in scallop landings. In the early 1980’s, its annual landings averaged about 190,000 bu/yr, while New York and North Carolina each landed about 45,000 bu/yr. Landings in the other states in earlier years were much smaller than in these three states. Bay scallop landings from Massachusetts to New York have fallen sharply since 1985, when a picoplankton, termed “brown tide,” bloomed densely and killed most scallops as well as extensive meadows of eelgrass. The landings have remained low, large meadows of eelgrass have declined in size, apparently the species of phytoplankton the scallops use as food has changed in composition and in seasonal abundance, and the abundances of predators have increased. The North Carolina landings have fallen since cownose rays, Rhinoptera bonsais, became abundant and consumed most scallops every year before the fishermen could harvest them. The only areas where the scallop fishery remains consistently viable, though smaller by 60–70%, are Martha’s Vineyard, Nantucket, Mass., and inside the coastal inlets in southwestern Long Island, N.Y.

Quahogs in Eastern North America: Part II, History by Province and State

The northern quahog, Mercenaria mercenaria, ranges along the Atlantic Coast of North America from the Canadian Maritimes to Florida, while the southern quahog, M. campechiensis, ranges mostly from Florida to southern Mexico. The northern quahog was fished by native North Americans during prehistoric periods. They used the meats as food and the shells as scrapers and as utensils. The European colonists copied the Indians treading method, and they also used short rakes for harvesting quahogs. The Indians of southern New England and Long Island, N.Y., made wampum from quahog shells, used it for ornaments and sold it to the colonists, who, in turn, traded it to other Indians for furs. During the late 1600’s, 1700’s, and 1800’s, wampum was made in small factories for eventual trading with Indians farther west for furs. The quahoging industry has provided people in many coastal communities with a means of earning a livelihood and has given consumers a tasty, wholesome food whether eaten raw, steamed, cooked in chowders, or as stuffed quahogs. More than a dozen methods and types of gear have been used in the last two centuries for harvesting quahogs. They include treading and using various types of rakes and dredges, both of which have undergone continuous improvements in design. Modern dredges are equipped with hydraulic jets and one type has an escalator to bring the quahogs continuously to the boats. In the early 1900’s, most provinces and states established regulations to conserve and maximize yields of their quahog stocks. They include a minimum size, now almost universally a 38-mm shell width, and can include gear limitations and daily quotas. The United States produces far more quahogs than either Canada or Mexico. The leading producer in Canada is Prince Edward Island. In the United States, New York, New Jersey, and Rhode Island lead in quahog production in the north, while Virginia and North Carolina lead in the south. Connecticut and Florida were large producers in the 1990’s. The State of Tabasco leads in Mexican production. In the northeastern United States, the bays with large openings, and thus large exchanges of bay waters with ocean waters, have much larger stocks of quahogs and fisheries than bays with small openings and water exchanges. Quahog stocks in certified beds have been enhanced by transplanting stocks to them from stocks in uncertified waters and by planting seed grown in hatcheries, which grew in number from Massachusetts to Florida in the 1980’s and 1990’s.

Quahogs in Eastern North America: Part I, Biology, Ecology, and Historical Uses

The northern quahog, Mercenaria mercenaria, ranges along the Atlantic Coast of North America from the Canadian Maritimes to Florida, while the southern quahog, M. campechiensis, ranges mostly from Florida to southern Mexico. The northern quahog was fished by native North Americans during prehistoric periods. They used the meats as food and the shells as scrapers and as utensils. The European colonists copied the Indians treading method, and they also used short rakes for harvesting quahogs. The Indians of southern New England made wampum from quahog shells, used it for ornaments and sold it to the colonists, who, in turn, traded it to other Indians for furs. During the late 1600’s, 1700’s, and 1800’s, wampum was made in small factories for eventual trading with Indians farther west for furs. The quahoging industry has provided people in many coastal communities with a means of earning a livelihood and has provided consumers with a tasty, wholesome food whether eaten raw, steamed, cooked in chowders, or as stuffed quahogs. More than a dozen methods and types of gear have been used in the last two centuries for harvesting quahogs. They include treading and using various types of rakes and dredges, both of which have undergone continuous improvements in design. Modern dredges are equipped with hydraulic jets and one type has an escalator to bring the quahogs continuously to the boats. In the early 1900’s, most provinces and states established regulations to conserve and maximize yields of their quahog stocks. They include a minimum size, now almost universally a 38-mm shell width, and can include gear limitations and daily quotas. The United States produces far more quahogs than either Canada or Mexico. The leading producer in Canada is Prince Edward Island. In the United States, New York, New Jersey, and Rhode Island lead in quahog production in the north, while Virginia and North Carolina lead in the south. Connecticut and Florida were large producers in the 1990’s. The State of Campeche leads in Mexican production. In the northeastern United States, the bays with large openings, and thus large exchanges of bay waters with ocean waters, have much larger stocks of quahogs and fisheries than bays with small openings and water exchanges. Quahog stocks in certifi ed beds have been enhanced by transplanting stocks to them from stocks in uncertified waters and by planting seed grown in hatcheries, which grew in number from Massachusetts to Florida in the 1980’s and 1990’s.

Humpback and Fin Whaling in the Gulf of Maine from 1800 to 1918

The history of whaling in the Gulf of Maine was reviewed primarily to estimate removals of humpback whales, Megaptera novaeangliae, especially during the 19th century. In the decades from 1800 to 1860, whaling effort consisted of a few localized, small-scale, shore-based enterprises on the coast of Maine and Cape Cod, Mass. Provincetown and Nantucket schooners occasionally conducted short cruises for humpback whales in New England waters. With the development of bomb-lance technology at mid century, the ease of killing humpback whales and fin whales, Balaenoptera physalus, increased. As a result, by the 1870’s there was considerable local interest in hunting rorquals (baleen whales in the family Balaenopteridae, which include the humpback and fin whales) in the Gulf of Maine. A few schooners were specially outfitted to take rorquals in the late 1870’s and 1880’s although their combined annual take was probably no more than a few tens of whales. Also in about 1880, fishing steamers began to be used to hunt whales in the Gulf of Maine. This steamer fishery grew to include about five vessels regularly engaged in whaling by the mid 1880’s but dwindled to only one vessel by the end of the decade. Fin whales constituted at least half of the catch, which exceeded 100 animals in some years. In the late 1880’s and thereafter, few whales were taken by whaling vessels in the Gulf of Maine.

Reef Habitats in the Middle Atlantic Bight: Abundance, Distribution, Associated Biological Communities, and Fishery Resource Use

One particular habitat type in the Middle Atlantic Bight is not well recognized among fishery scientists and managers, although it is will known and used by recreational and commercial fisheries. This habitat consists of a variety of hard-surface, elevated relief "reef" or reef-like environments that are widely distributed across the predominantly flat or undulating, sandy areas of the Bight and include both natural rocky areas and man-made structures, e.g. shipwrecks and artificial reefs. Although there are natural rock and shellfish reefs in southern New England coastal waters and estuaries throughout the Bight, most reef habitats in the region appear to be man-made reef habitat modification/creation may be increasing. Very little effort has been devoted to the study of this habitat's distribution, abundance, use by living marine resources and associated biological communities (except on estuarine oyster reefs) and fishery value or management. This poorly studied and surveyed habitat can provide fish refuge from trawls and can be a factor in studies of the distribution and abundance of a variety of reef-associated fishery resources. This review provides a preliminary summary of information found on relative distribution and abundance of reef habitat in the Bight, the living marine resources and biological communities that commonly use it, threats to this habitat and its biological resources, and the value or potential value of artificial reefs to fishery or habitat and its biological resources, and the value or potential value of artificial reefs to fishery or habitat managers. The purpose of the review is to initiate an awareness among resource managers about this habitat, its role in resource management, and the need for research.

The Origins and Early History of the Steamer Albatross, 1880–18

Spencer Fullerton Baird (Fig. 1), a noted systematic zoologist and builder of scientific institutions in 19th century America, persuaded the U.S. Congress to establish the United States Commission of Fish and Fisheries1 in March 1871. At that time, Baird was Assistant Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. Following the death of Joseph Henry in 1878, he became head of the institution, a position he held until his own demise in 1887. In addition to his many duties as a Smithsonian official, including his prominent role in developing the Smithsonian’s Federally funded National Museum as the repository for governmental scientific collections, Baird directed the Fish Commission from 1871 until 1887. The Fish Commission’s original mission was to determine the reasons and remedies for the apparent decline of American fisheries off southern New England as well as other parts of the United States. In 1872, Congress further directed the Commission to begin a large fish hatching program aimed at increasing the supply of American food f

History of Whaling and Estimated Kill of Right Whales, Balaena glacialis, in the Northeastern United States, 1620–1924

This study, part of a broader investigation of the history of exploitation of right whales, Balaena glacialis, in the western North Atlantic, emphasizes U.S. shore whaling from Maine to Delaware (from lat. 45°N to 38°30'N) in the period 1620–1924. Our broader study of the entire catch history is intended to provide an empirical basis for assessing past distribution and abundance of this whale population. Shore whaling may have begun at Cape Cod, Mass., in the 1620’s or 1630’s; it was certainly underway there by 1668. Right whale catches in New England waters peaked before 1725, and shore whaling at Cape Cod, Martha’s Vineyard, and Nantucket continued to decline through the rest of the 18th century. Right whales continued to be taken opportunistically in Massachusetts, however, until the early 20th century. They were hunted in Narragansett Bay, R.I., as early as 1662, and desultory whaling continued in Rhode Island until at least 1828. Shore whaling in Connecticut may have begun in the middle 1600’s, continuing there until at least 1718. Long Island shore whaling spanned the period 1650–1924. From its Dutch origins in the 1630’s, a persistent shore whaling enterprise developed in Delaware Bay and along the New Jersey shore. Although this activity was most profi table in New Jersey in the early 1700’s, it continued there until at least the 1820’s. Whaling in all areas of the northeastern United States was seasonal, with most catches in the winter and spring. Historically, right whales appear to have been essentially absent from coastal waters south of Maine during the summer and autumn. Based on documented references to specific whale kills, about 750–950 right whales were taken between Maine and Delaware, from 1620 to 1924. Using production statistics in British customs records, the estimated total secured catch of right whales in New England, New York, and Pennsylvania between 1696 and 1734 was 3,839 whales based on oil and 2,049 based on baleen. After adjusting these totals for hunting loss (loss-rate correction factor = 1.2), we estimate that 4,607 (oil) or 2,459 (baleen) right whales were removed from the stock in this region during the 38-year period 1696–1734. A cumulative catch estimate of the stock’s size in 1724 is 1,100–1,200. Although recent evidence of occurrence and movements suggests that right whales continue to use their traditional migratory corridor along the U.S. east coast, the catch history indicates that this stock was much larger in the 1600’s and early 1700’s than it is today. Right whale hunting in the eastern United States ended by the early 1900’s, and the species has been protected throughout the North Atlantic since the mid 1930’s. Among the possible reasons for the relatively slow stock recovery are: the very small number of whales that survived the whaling era to become founders, a decline in environmental carrying capacity, and, especially in recent decades, mortality from ship strikes and entanglement in fishing gear.

A Review of Stock Identification of Haddock, Melanogrammus aeglefinus, in the Northwest Atlantic Ocean

Haddock, Melanogrammus aeglefinus, is a principal commercial species distributed throughout the northwest Atlantic Ocean, with major aggregations occurring on Georges Bank and on the Scotian Shelf. This review examines all available information on stock structure of haddock to evaluate the suitability of current stock units and to investigate areas that require further research. Combined information from tag-recapture, demographic, recruitment, meristic, parasitic, and genetic studies provide evidence for the identification of haddock stocks, with major population divisions occurring between New England, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland waters. Within each of these major divisions a number of discrete stocks appear to exist, although uncertainty remains in the amount of separation found within each region. Research utilizing more recent stock identification techniques should refine and improve our understanding of haddock stock structure in the northwest Atlantic.

Uma leitura marxista da questão alimentar no Brasil: o guia alimentar para a população brasileira em questão

Esta tese apresenta um estudo sobre o Guia Alimentar para a População Brasileira, entendido como uma expressão importante da política social de alimentação e nutrição desenvolvida no Brasil, e um dos principais instrumentos de ação do Programa de Alimentação Saudável. O Guia Alimentar foi concebido para facilitar a implementação de ações de promoção de práticas alimentares adequadas e a escolha de alimentos saudáveis. O objetivo geral desta tese foi identificar os pressupostos políticos e ideológicos que orientam as políticas sociais de alimentação e nutrição e que se expressam no Guia Alimentar para População Brasileira. A pesquisa qualitativa que serviu de base para o estudo dos dados trazidos na tese, funda-se no materialismo histórico como referencial teórico-metodológico, no âmbito da tradição marxista, a qual reconhece a centralidade das questões materiais que se apresentam nas duras condições de existência da classe trabalhadora. As políticas sociais de alimentação e nutrição e o Guia alimentar foram analisados historicamente, uma vez que é no processo histórico, produto da construção dos sujeitos, que o modo de pensar dialético melhor se expressa. O Guia Alimentar foi avaliado como parte de uma totalidade concreta, um dos principais fundamentos do materialismo histórico, em conexão com o todo, e integrante das políticas sociais que são intrínsecas às lutas e aos direitos conquistados pelos trabalhadores, em permanente confronto com os interesses da acumulação capitalista. Os resultados apresentados apontam a gravidade da situação alimentar e nutricional no país, e a fragmentação e descontinuidade das ações de alimentação e nutrição implementadas, ao longo do período histórico analisado, as quais não deram enfrentamento aos determinantes dos problemas alimentares, como é o caso do Guia Alimentar para a População Brasileira. A análise do Guia Alimentar mostrou que seu conteúdo revela uma realidade idealizada, que se traduz por recomendações alimentares indicadas indistintamente para toda a população, sem a devida atenção às desigualdades sociais, inerentes às sociedades de classes, que determinam acessos diferenciados aos alimentos quantitativa e qualitativamente. O Guia Alimentar ao não problematizar o conceito de saudável, e assimilá-lo acriticamente, parte da premissa de que a alimentação preconizada como saudável é acessível a todos, se afastando da realidade concreta da classe trabalhadora. Estes resultados demostram a necessidade de se rever os fundamentos das políticas sociais de alimentação e nutrição e seus instrumentos de intervenção, e em particular o Guia Alimentar. As mudanças objetivam tornar estes mecanismos mais efetivos, com vistas ao atendimento ao direito humano à alimentação adequada, à produção da saúde e melhor qualidade de vida. Perspectiva tendencialmente de difícil execução, mas que deve ser buscada mesmo nos marcos da sociedade do capital.

The Atlantic and Gulf Menhaden Purse Seine Fisheries: Origins, Harvesting Technologies, Biostatistical Monitoring, Recent Trends in Fisheries Statistics, and Forecasting

With its genesis in New England during the 1800's, the purse seine fishery for Atlantic menhaden, Brevoortia tyrannus, expanded south and by the early 1900's ranged the length of the eastern seaboard. The purse seine fishery for Gulf menhaden. B. patronus, is of relatively recent development, exploitation of the stock beginning in the late 1940's. Landings from both fisheries annually comprise 35-40% of the total U. S. fisheries landings, ranking menhaden first in terms of volume landed. Technological advances in harvesting methods, fish-spotting capabilities, and vessel designs accelerated after World War II, resulting in larger, faster, and wider-ranging carrier vessels, improved speed and efficiency of the harvest, and reduction in labor requirements. Chief products of the menhaden industry are fish meal, fish oil, and solubles, but research into new product lines is underway. Since 1955 on the Atlantic coast and 1964 on the Gulf coast, the NMFS has monitored the fisheries for biostatistical data. Annual data summaries of numbers-of-fish-at-age harvested, catch tonnage, and fishing effort of the fleet form the basis of routine stock assessments and annual catch forecasts to industry for the upcoming fishing season. After landings declined in the 1960's, the Atlantic menhaden stock has recovered through the 1970's and 1980's. Exceptional year classes of Gulf menhaden in recent years account for record landings during the 1980's.