Report of the First Meeting of the Monitoring Committee of the Caribbean Development and Co-operation Committee, New York, 29 March 1989

Contiene los estatutos de implementación de las resoluciones de la undécima sesión del CDCC incluyendo las recomendaciones propuestas por el Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores y Comercio Internacional de Trinidad y Tabago.

Informe de la Reunión Interinstitucional para Coordinar la Ejecución del Programa de Trabajo del CDCC, Nueva York, 28-30 junio 1976 = UN Inter-Agency Meeting on Co-ordination for Implementation of the Work Programme of the CDCC, New York, 28-30 June 1976

El símbolo ECLA/POS/76/10 corresponde al documento en inglés solamente

Hermenêutica botânica e antropização na Amazônia: exsicatas de verbenáceas da Amazônia Legal no Herbário do New York Botanical Garden

Este artigo tem como base informações de uma série histórica de exsicatas datadas de 1819 a 2002, reunindo contribuições de pesquisadores de instituições governamentais e não governamentais das Américas do Norte, do Sul e Europa. Tem foco nas verbenáceas, pela reconhecida gama de espécies aromáticas e medicinais desta família e o seu reconhecido uso no Brasil. Analisa notas descritivas e críticas sobre a coleção do New York Botanical Garden referente à Amazônia, revelando o espírito da cooperação entre instituições brasileiras e estrangeiras nesta região. Alterações do meio ambiente, rede de pesquisadores, mudanças na linguagem, na tecnologia dos registros e absorção de termos regionais são detectados ao longo de quase dois séculos de trabalho científico em que se projeta a formação continuada de cientistas e a interação com saberes locais.

An Ardent Flame: Witness to Distant Suffering, Human Rights and Unworthy Victims in the Coverage by The New York Times and Two Journals of the Religious Left of the 1980s Civil Wars in El Salvador and Nicaragua

Scholars have investigated witness to distant suffering (WTDS) almost entirely in visual media. This study examines it in print. This form of reporting will be examined in two publications of the religious left as contrasted with the New York Times. The thesis is that, more than any technology, WTDS consists of the journalist’s moral commitment and narrative skills and the audience’s analytical resources and trust. In the religious journals, liberation theology provides the moral commitment, the writers and editors the narrative skills and trust and the special vision of the newly empowered poor the analytical foundation. In bearing witness to those who have suffered state or guerilla terrorism in El Salvador and Nicaragua during the 1980s, we will investigate a distinction between “worthy” and “unworthy victims.” This last issue has a special ethical and political significance. Media witnessing to the suffering of strangers can help them become known, and so “worthy.” It can help them, and their plight and cause, become better recognized. This is the power of the media.

THE MONK PARAKEET IN NEW YORK

Attention was focused on the Monk Parakeet (Myiopsitta monachus) in New York State in 1971 when the first successful breeding record was documented for the state although Monk Parakeets had been noticed in New York and New Jersey since 1968 (Bull, 1971). Since 1971 awareness of the bird’s potential for becoming an established species in New York has spread through several segments of the state’s populace. This awareness has been created primarily through two articles in the magazine published by the New York State Department of Environmental Conservation (DEC), The Conservationist (Trimm, 1972) (Trimm, 1973); several articles in popular magazines, Parade, Yankee, Sports Afield; journals, American Birds and Kingbird; county cooperative extension bulletins and newsletters; and in numerous newspapers throughout the Northeast. The Monk Parakeet is about 12 inches long (Mourning Dove size), weighs about 90 grams, and is native to Argentina and other temperate regions of South America. The bird is pale green with a soft gray forehead and breast, some blue on the flight feathers and a flesh-colored bill. They are gregarious throughout the year. The Monk Parakeet differs from other members of the parrot family in that it builds large communal nests of sticks. Each pair of parakeets has its own private compartment with a downward-pointing tunnel entrance from the inner unlined compartment. The nest is used as sleeping quarters year round and live twigs cut by the bird are continually added to the structure (Bump, 1971). A brief review of the bird’s history in New York shows that the bird remained a mere curiosity until 1972. At that time, because the population seemed to be increasing and because information gleaned from the literature and from those with first-hand experience with the bird in its native haunts of South America indicated that the bird posed a serious potential agricultural problem, several prominent individuals, birding and conservation societies, and state and federal agencies took the position that the bird should be retrieved or removed from the wild.

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PRIVATE NUISANCE WILDLIFE CONTROL INDUSTRY IN NEW YORK

The nuisance wildlife control industry is rapidly expanding in New York State. To gain additional insight about this industry and the number of animals handled, we reviewed the 1989-90 annual logs submitted by Nuisance Wildlife Control Orators (NWC0s) to the New York State Department of Environmental Conservation (DEC). The specific objectives of this study were to determine: (1) the number and species of different wildlife responsible for damage incidents, (2) the cause of damage complaints, (3) the disposition of animals handled, (4) the location of damage events (i.e., urban, suburban, rural), and (5) an estimate of the economic impact of the nuisance wildlife industry in Upstate New York. The Nuisance Wildlife Logs (NWLs) were examined for 7 urban and 7 rural counties (25.5% of Upstate counties), and these data were used to estimate total NWCO activity in DEC Regions 3 through 9 (excludes Long Island). Approximately 75% of NWCOs licensed by DEC were active during 1989-90, and nearly 2,800 complaints were handled in the 14 counties sampled. More than 90% of complaints came from urban counties, and we estimated that NWC0s responded to more than 11,000 calls in Upstate New York. At a conservative estimate of $35/call, revenue generated by this industry exceeded $385,000 annually. Six wildlife species accounted for 85% of the nuisance complaints in urban and rural counties. During 1986 to 1993, the number of NWCOs licensed by DEC nearly quadrupled, and there is no indication that this trend will change in the near future.

Bioremediation of PAHs - Limitations and soultions

Introduction 1.1 Occurrence of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAH) in the environment Worldwide industrial and agricultural developments have released a large number of natural and synthetic hazardous compounds into the environment due to careless waste disposal, illegal waste dumping and accidental spills. As a result, there are numerous sites in the world that require cleanup of soils and groundwater. Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) are one of the major groups of these contaminants (Da Silva et al., 2003). PAHs constitute a diverse class of organic compounds consisting of two or more aromatic rings with various structural configurations (Prabhu and Phale, 2003). Being a derivative of benzene, PAHs are thermodynamically stable. In addition, these chemicals tend to adhere to particle surfaces, such as soils, because of their low water solubility and strong hydrophobicity, and this results in greater persistence under natural conditions. This persistence coupled with their potential carcinogenicity makes PAHs problematic environmental contaminants (Cerniglia, 1992; Sutherland, 1992). PAHs are widely found in high concentrations at many industrial sites, particularly those associated with petroleum, gas production and wood preserving industries (Wilson and Jones, 1993). 1.2 Remediation technologies Conventional techniques used for the remediation of soil polluted with organic contaminants include excavation of the contaminated soil and disposal to a landfill or capping - containment - of the contaminated areas of a site. These methods have some drawbacks. The first method simply moves the contamination elsewhere and may create significant risks in the excavation, handling and transport of hazardous material. Additionally, it is very difficult and increasingly expensive to find new landfill sites for the final disposal of the material. The cap and containment method is only an interim solution since the contamination remains on site, requiring monitoring and maintenance of the isolation barriers long into the future, with all the associated costs and potential liability. A better approach than these traditional methods is to completely destroy the pollutants, if possible, or transform them into harmless substances. Some technologies that have been used are high-temperature incineration and various types of chemical decomposition (for example, base-catalyzed dechlorination, UV oxidation). However, these methods have significant disadvantages, principally their technological complexity, high cost , and the lack of public acceptance. Bioremediation, on the contrast, is a promising option for the complete removal and destruction of contaminants. 1.3 Bioremediation of PAH contaminated soil & groundwater Bioremediation is the use of living organisms, primarily microorganisms, to degrade or detoxify hazardous wastes into harmless substances such as carbon dioxide, water and cell biomass Most PAHs are biodegradable unter natural conditions (Da Silva et al., 2003; Meysami and Baheri, 2003) and bioremediation for cleanup of PAH wastes has been extensively studied at both laboratory and commercial levels- It has been implemented at a number of contaminated sites, including the cleanup of the Exxon Valdez oil spill in Prince William Sound, Alaska in 1989, the Mega Borg spill off the Texas coast in 1990 and the Burgan Oil Field, Kuwait in 1994 (Purwaningsih, 2002). Different strategies for PAH bioremediation, such as in situ , ex situ or on site bioremediation were developed in recent years. In situ bioremediation is a technique that is applied to soil and groundwater at the site without removing the contaminated soil or groundwater, based on the provision of optimum conditions for microbiological contaminant breakdown.. Ex situ bioremediation of PAHs, on the other hand, is a technique applied to soil and groundwater which has been removed from the site via excavation (soil) or pumping (water). Hazardous contaminants are converted in controlled bioreactors into harmless compounds in an efficient manner. 1.4 Bioavailability of PAH in the subsurface Frequently, PAH contamination in the environment is occurs as contaminants that are sorbed onto soilparticles rather than in phase (NAPL, non aqueous phase liquids). It is known that the biodegradation rate of most PAHs sorbed onto soil is far lower than rates measured in solution cultures of microorganisms with pure solid pollutants (Alexander and Scow, 1989; Hamaker, 1972). It is generally believed that only that fraction of PAHs dissolved in the solution can be metabolized by microorganisms in soil. The amount of contaminant that can be readily taken up and degraded by microorganisms is defined as bioavailability (Bosma et al., 1997; Maier, 2000). Two phenomena have been suggested to cause the low bioavailability of PAHs in soil (Danielsson, 2000). The first one is strong adsorption of the contaminants to the soil constituents which then leads to very slow release rates of contaminants to the aqueous phase. Sorption is often well correlated with soil organic matter content (Means, 1980) and significantly reduces biodegradation (Manilal and Alexander, 1991). The second phenomenon is slow mass transfer of pollutants, such as pore diffusion in the soil aggregates or diffusion in the organic matter in the soil. The complex set of these physical, chemical and biological processes is schematically illustrated in Figure 1. As shown in Figure 1, biodegradation processes are taking place in the soil solution while diffusion processes occur in the narrow pores in and between soil aggregates (Danielsson, 2000). Seemingly contradictory studies can be found in the literature that indicate the rate and final extent of metabolism may be either lower or higher for sorbed PAHs by soil than those for pure PAHs (Van Loosdrecht et al., 1990). These contrasting results demonstrate that the bioavailability of organic contaminants sorbed onto soil is far from being well understood. Besides bioavailability, there are several other factors influencing the rate and extent of biodegradation of PAHs in soil including microbial population characteristics, physical and chemical properties of PAHs and environmental factors (temperature, moisture, pH, degree of contamination). Figure 1: Schematic diagram showing possible rate-limiting processes during bioremediation of hydrophobic organic contaminants in a contaminated soil-water system (not to scale) (Danielsson, 2000). 1.5 Increasing the bioavailability of PAH in soil Attempts to improve the biodegradation of PAHs in soil by increasing their bioavailability include the use of surfactants , solvents or solubility enhancers.. However, introduction of synthetic surfactant may result in the addition of one more pollutant. (Wang and Brusseau, 1993).A study conducted by Mulder et al. showed that the introduction of hydropropyl-ß-cyclodextrin (HPCD), a well-known PAH solubility enhancer, significantly increased the solubilization of PAHs although it did not improve the biodegradation rate of PAHs (Mulder et al., 1998), indicating that further research is required in order to develop a feasible and efficient remediation method. Enhancing the extent of PAHs mass transfer from the soil phase to the liquid might prove an efficient and environmentally low-risk alternative way of addressing the problem of slow PAH biodegradation in soil.

The physical city and the urban structure: detecting amenity zones and applying urban morphology to New York

The city is a collection of built structures and infrastructure embedded in socio-cultural processes: any investigation into a city’s transformations involves considerations on the degree to which its composite elements respond to socio-economical changes. The main purpose of this research is to investigate how transformations in the functional requirements of New York’s society have spurred, since the 1970s, changes in both the city’s urban structure and physical form. The present work examines the rise of Amenity Zones in New York, and investigates the transformations that have occurred in New York’s built environment since the 1970s. By applying qualitative measures and analyzing the relationship between urban amenities and the creative class, the present work has investigated changes in the urban structure and detected a hierarchical series of amenity zones classes, namely, Super Amenity Zones (SAZs), Nodal Amenity Zones (NAZs) and Peripheral Amenity Zones (PAZs). This series allows for a more comprehensive reading of the urban structure in a complex city like New York, bringing advancements to the amenity zone’s methodology. In order to examine the manner in which the other component of the city, the physical form, has changed or adapted to the new socio-economic condition, the present research has applied Conzenian analysis to a select study area, Atlantic Avenue. The results of this analysis reveal that, contrary to the urban structure, which changes rapidly, the physical form of New York is hard to modify completely, due to the resilience of the town plan and its elements, and to preservation laws; the city rather adapts to socio-economical changes through process of adaptive reuses or conversion. Concluding, this research has examined the dialectic between the ever-changing needs of society and the complexity of the built environment and urban structure, showing the different degrees to which the urban landscape modifies, reacts and sometimes adapts to the population’s functional requirements.

Il "caso" Maroncelli. Organizzazione del consenso e vincoli massonici nell'Italia radicale e nella New York della Tammany Hall, 1840-1890

Questa tesi parte da un evento “minore” della storia del XIX secolo per tendere, poi, ad alcuni obiettivi particolari. L’evento è costituito da uno strano funerale postumo, quello di Piero Maroncelli, carbonaro finito alla Spielberg, graziato, poi emigrato in Francia e in America, il cui corpo viene sepolto a New York nell’estate del 1846. Quarant’anni dopo, nel 1886, i resti di Maroncelli vengono esumati e – attraverso una “trafila” particolare, di cui è protagonista la Massoneria, da una sponda all’altra dell’Atlantico – solennemente trasferiti nella città natale di Forlì, dove vengono collocati nel pantheon del cimitero monumentale, inaugurato per l’occasione. Gli eventi celebrativi che si consumano a New York e a Forlì sono molto diversi fra loro, anche se avvengono quasi in contemporanea e sotto regie politiche ispirate dal medesimo radicalismo anticlericale. E’ chiaro che Maroncelli è un simbolo e un pretesto: simbolo di un’italianità transnazionale, composta di un “corpo” in transito, fuori dello spazio nazionale, ma appartenente alla patria (quella grande e quella piccola); pretesto per acquisire e rafforzare legami politici, mercè mobilitazioni di massa in un caso fondate sul festival, sulla festa en plein air, nell’altro sui rituali del cordoglio per i “martiri” dell’indipendenza. L’opportunità di comparare questi due contesti – l’Italia, colta nella sua periferia radicale e la New York della Tammany Hall -, non sulla base di ipotesi astratte, ma nella concretezza di un “caso di studio” reale e simultaneo, consente di riflettere sulla pervasività dell’ideologia democratica nella sua accezione ottocentesca, standardizzata dalla Massoneria, e, d’altro canto, sui riti del consenso, colti nelle rispettive tipicità locali. Un gioco di similitudini e di dissomiglianze, quindi. Circa gli obiettivi particolari – al di là della ricostruzione del “caso” Maroncelli -, ho cercato di sondare alcuni temi, proponendone una ricostruzione in primo luogo storiografica. Da un lato, il tema dell’esilio e del trapianto delle esperienze di vita e di relazione al di fuori del proprio contesto d’origine. Maroncelli utilizza, come strumento di identitario e di accreditamento, il fourierismo; la generazione appena successiva alla sua, grazie alla Giovine Italia, possiede già un codice interno, autoctono, cui fare riferimento; alla metà degli anni Cinquanta, ad esso si affiancherà, con successo crescente, la lettura “diplomatica” di ascendenza sabauda. Dall’altro, ho riflettuto sull’aspetto legato ai funerali politici, al cordoglio pubblico, al trasferimento postumo dei corpi. La letteratura disponibile, al riguardo, è assai ricca, e tale da consentire una precisa classificazione del “caso” Maroncelli all’interno di una tipologia della morte laica, ben delineata nell’Italia dell’Ottocento e del primo Novecento. E poi, ancora, ho preso in esame le dinamiche “festive” e di massa, approfondendo quelle legate al mondo dell’emigrazione italiana a Mew York, così distante nel 1886 dall’élite colta di quarant’anni prima, eppure così centrale per il controllo politico della città. Dinamiche alle quali fa da contrappunto, sul versante forlivese, la visione del mondo radicale e massonico locale, dominato dalla figura di Aurelio Saffi e dal suo tentativo di plasmare un’immagine morale e patriottica della città da lasciare ai posteri. Quasi un’ossessione, per il vecchio triumviro della Repubblica romana (morirà nel 1890), che interviene sulla toponomastica, sull’edilizia cemeteriale, sui pantheon civico, sui “ricordi” patriottici. Ho utilizzato fonti secondarie e di prima mano. Anche sulle prime, quantitativamente assai significative, mi sono misurata con un lavoro di composizione e di lettura comparata prima mai tentato. La giustapposizione di chiavi di lettura apparentemente distanti, ma giustificate dalla natura proteiforme e complicata del nostro “caso”, apre, a mio giudizio, interessanti prospettive di ricerca. Circa le fonti di prima mano, ho attinto ai fondi disponibili su Maroncelli presso la Biblioteca comunale di Forlì, alle raccolte del Grande Oriente d’Italia a Roma, a periodici italoamericani assai rari, sparsi in diverse biblioteche italiane, da Milano a Roma. Mi rendo conto che la quantità dei materiali reperiti, sovente molto eterogenei, avrebbero imposto una lettura delle fonti più accurata di quella che, in questa fase della ricerca, sono riuscita a condurre. E’ vero, però, che le suggestioni già recuperabili ad un’analisi mirata al contenuto principale – le feste, la propaganda, il cordoglio – consentono la tessitura di una narrazione non forzata, nella quale il ricordo della Repubblica romana viaggia da una sponda all’altra dell’Atlantica, insieme ai resti di Maroncelli; nella quale il rituale massonico funge da facilitatore e da “mediatore culturale”; nella quale, infine, il linguaggio patriottico e la koinè democratica trans-nazionale riescono incredibilmente a produrre o a incarnare identità. Per quanto tempo? La risposta, nel caso forlivese, è relativamente facile; in quello della “colonia” italiana di New York, presto alterata nella sua connotazione demografica dalla grande emigrazione transoceanica, le cose appaiono più complesse. E, tuttavia, nel 1911, cinquantesimo dell’Unità, qualcuno, nella grande metropoli americana, si sarebbe ricordato di Maroncelli, sia pure in un contesto e con finalità del tutto diverse rispetto al 1886: segno che qualcosa, sotto traccia, era sopravvissuto.