960 resultados para Maritime Capitalism


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The moral foundation of capitalism should be reconsidered. Modern capitalism is disembedded from the social and cultural norms of society and produced a deep financial, ecological and social crisis. Competitiveness is the prevailing ideology of today’s business and economic policy. Companies, regions, and national economies seek to improve their productivity and gain competitive advantage. But these efforts often produce negative effects on various stakeholders at home and abroad. Competitiveness involves self-interest and aggressivity and produces monetary results at the expense of nature, society and future generations The collaborative enterprise framework promotes a view in which economic agents care about others and themselves and aim to create values for all the participants in their business ecosystems. Their criterion of success is mutually satisfying relationships with the stakeholders. New results of positive psychology and the Homo reciprocans model of behavioral sciences support this approach. The economic teachings of world religions challenge the way capitalism is functioning, and their corresponding perspectives are worthy of consideration. They represent life-serving modes of economizing which can assure the livelihood of human communities and the sustainability of natural ecosystems. Ethics and the future of capitalism are strongly connected. If we want to sustain capitalism for a long time we have to create a less violent, more caring form of it.

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Tanulmányunkban az Albert 0. Hirschman által kialakított „kivonulás, tiltakozás, hűség” koncepció metaelméleti felhasználásával a „kapitalizmus változatai” elméletet vesszük bírálat alá. Egyrészt arra mutatunk rá, hogy már a különböző piacgazdasági modellek tipologizálásához használt vállalatelméleti dimenziójú elemzések is építkeznek a Hirschman-trilemmából, másrészt arra hívjuk fel a figyelmet, hogy olyan sajátos eszközről van szó, amely a tőke- és munkaerő-piaci folyamatok elemzésére támaszkodva új perspektívát is kínál a kapitalista gazdaságok komparatív vizsgálatához. A dolgozat terjedelmi okokból az empirikus kutatásokat megalapozó elméleti alapozásra szorítkozik. ____ In our study we deal with the critical analysis of the “varieties of capitalism” theory by using the “exit, voice, and loyalty” meta-theory invented by Albert O. Hirschman. The paper emphasizes that on the one hand the analyses of the theory of the firm and business used for the classification of distinct market models are also building upon the “Hirschman trilemma”, and on the other hand, it draws attention to the fact that the Hirschmanian method based on labor market and capital market offers a new perspective for the comparative analysis of capitalist economies. The focus of the article is only the theoretical foundation of empirical studies as a result of limitation of scope.

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This study was inspired by Piketty’s excellent and important book. Its title and numerous statements in it arouse in readers expectations of a comprehensive analysis of capitalism. By comparison the author of this paper felt important aspects were lacking. The capitalist system has numerous immanent traits and innate tendencies, of which the paper takes a closer look at three properties. 1. One basic feature is dynamism, innovation, and creative destruction. No picture of capitalism can be full if this basic aspect is ignored. 2. Capitalism inevitably brings about a high degree of inequality; this must be eased by reforms, but cannot be entirely overcome. 3. The basic characteristics of capitalism – private ownership and the dominance of market coordination – give rise to strong incentive mechanisms that encourage but owners and enterprise executives to innovate and to cooperate effectively. One of the main incentives is competition, especially oligopolistic competition. There are strong mutual effects among these three important tendencies. It is impossible to understand well Piketty’s main subject, the distribution of income and wealth, if it is divorced from the other two tendencies. The study ends with its author’s own value judgements on the favourable and harmful, unjust attributes of the capitalist system.

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A tanulmány - amely Coase és az új intézményi közgazdaságtan alapján keresi a címbeli kérdésre adható választ - a kapitalizmus alapvető interakciós formájaként a kölcsönösen előnyös cserét azonosítja, amely az emberi együttműködés megnyilvánulása. A gazdasági fejlődés feltétele e kooperáció költségeit csökkentő társadalmi játékszabályok, intézmények kialakítása. A jól működő kapitalizmus intézményi rendje sűrű és sokrétű, a részleteit tekintve időben és térben igen változó, jelentős részben nem állami, hanem magáneredetű. Ez a rend nem tervezhető meg, és jelenlegi tudásunk alapján nem is érthető meg konzisztens, összefüggő rendszerként. A magyar gazdaság fejlődési célját ezért nem lehet nemzetgazdasági szintű rendszerként vagy modellként megfogalmazni. A tényleges feladat az intézményi rend középszintű elemeinek fokozatos, kísérletező változtatása, figyelembe véve a már létező intézményi környezet történetileg adott, helyhez és időhöz kötött sajátosságait. De az intézményi "barkácsolásnak" mindvégig szem előtt kell tartania a kapitalizmus alapelvét: az önkéntes, kölcsönösen előnyös tranzakciók támogatását. _____ The study draws on Coase s lighthouse" of new institutional economics in addressing this question. It identifies mutually beneficial exchange, a manifestation of human cooperation, as the underlying form of interaction in capitalism, while stressing that economic development depends on creating social rules of the game (institutions) that decrease the costs of exchange. The institutional order of well-functioning capitalism is thickly woven with many features, often of private rather than public (legal or political) origin. Details vary greatly in time and space. Such an order cannot be planned, and with current knowledge, it cannot be seen as a consistent system. So the goal in Hungary s economic development should not be defined as a system or model for a national economy. It should set out to change intermediate-level institutions in gradual, experimental ways that pay heed to the time and space-bound idiosyncrasies of existing ones. Moreover institutional tinkering" should observe capitalism s basic institutional principle: facilitation of voluntary, mutually beneficial transactions.

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A popular refrain in the politics of American education, often buttressed by a steady stream of studies, contends that ‘we are falling behind’ students from other countries. Sometimes this decline is specified in terms of discipline, but the general premise is that American students lag behind their foreign counterparts, with special dread attached to the notion of falling behind adversaries such as China. The failure to rectify our educational inadequacies apparently portends a genuine crisis, the loss of global dominance. The articulation of such fears is particularly instructive in discerning the political role of education in late capitalism, its conceptualization and uses within the context of politics. How do the fears of falling behind speak to the political role of education in late capitalism? I draw upon the ideas of the Herbert Marcuse and his Marxist intervention into Freudian psychoanalysis. Using Marcuse’s framework, I argue that in late capitalism the political role of education, formerly understood to serve life affirming value, has been reoriented to further the aims of the death drive. The fears of falling behind, and the policies that have followed, are symptomatic of a disposition toward education that has reconfigured the school as a means of conquest, subjugation, and war.

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Around the world borders are militarized, states are stepping up repressive anti-immigrant controls, and native publics are turning immigrants into scapegoats for the spiraling crisis of global capitalism. The massive displacement and primitive accumulation unleashed by free trade agreements and neo-liberal policies, as well as state and “private” violence has resulted in a virtually inexhaustible immigrant labor reserve for the global economy. State controls over immigration and immigrant labor have several functions for the system: 1) state repression and criminalization of undocumented immigration make immigrants vulnerable and deportable and therefore subject to conditions of super-exploitation, super-control and hyper-surveillance; 2) anti-immigrant repressive apparatuses are themselves ever more important sources of accumulation, ranging from private for-profit immigrant detention centers, to the militarization of borders, and the purchase by states of military hardware and systems of surveillance. Immigrant labor is extremely profitable for the transnational corporate economy; 3) the anti-immigrant policies associated with repressive state apparatuses help turn attention away from the crisis of global capitalism among more privileged sectors of the working class and convert immigrant workers into scapegoats for the crisis, thus deflecting attention from the root causes of the crisis and undermining working class unity. This article focuses on structural and historical underpinnings of the phenomenon of immigrant labor in the new global capitalist system and on how the rise of a globally integrated production and financial system, a transnational capitalist class, and transnational state apparatuses, have led to a reorganization of the world market in labor, including deeper reliance on a rapidly expanding reserve army of immigrant labor and a vicious new anti-immigrant politics. It looks at the United States as an illustration of the larger worldwide situation with regard to immigration and immigrant justice. Finally, it explores the rise of an immigrant justice movement around the world, observes the leading role that immigrant workers often play in worker’s struggles and that a mass immigrant rights movement is at the cutting edge of the struggle against transnational corporate exploitation. We call for replacing the whole concept of national citizenship with that of global citizenship as the only rallying cry that can assure justice and equality for all.

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Contrary to prevailing opinions, Neill Blomkamp’s recent feature film Chappie is not a movie about robots or artificial intelligence. It is not Robocop. It is not Short Circuit. It is also not District 9 or Elysium. Chappie is a movie about humanity’s dialectically creative and destructive potential. It is a movie about how it is that humans come to behave how they do through their social and material circumstances, as well as the barbaric results when the two are mixed under the thoroughly undemocratic conditions of neoliberal capitalism.

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The Ais were a Native American group who lived along the Atlantic shoreline of Florida south of Cape Canaveral. This coastal population’s position adjacent to a major shipping route afforded them numerous encounters with the Atlantic world that linked Europe, Africa, the Caribbean, and the Americas. Through their exploitation of the goods and peoples from the European shipwrecks thrown ashore, coupled with their careful manipulation of other Atlantic contacts, the Ais polity established an influential domain in central east Florida during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The pre-contact peoples of Florida’s east coast, including the ancestors of the Ais, practiced a maritime adaptation concentrated on the exploitation of their bountiful riverine, estuarine, and marine environments. The Ais then modified their maritime skills to cope with the opportunities and challenges that accompanied European contact. Using their existing aquatic abilities, they ably salvaged goods and castaways from the Spanish, French, English, and Dutch vessels dashed on the rocks and reefs of Florida’s coast. The Ais’ strategic redistribution of these materials and peoples to other Florida Native Americans, the Spaniards of St. Augustine, and other passing Europeans gained them greater influence. This process, which I call indigenous wrecking, enabled the Ais to expand their domain on the peninsula. Coastal Florida Native Americans’ maritime abilities also attracted the attention of Europeans. In the late seventeenth century, English buccaneers and salvagers raided Florida’s east coast to capture indigenous divers, whom they sent to work the wreck of a sunken Spanish treasure ship located in the Bahamas. The English subsequently sold the surviving Native American captives to other Caribbean slave markets. Despite population losses to such raids, the Ais and other peoples of the east coast thrived on Atlantic exchange and used their existing maritime adaptation to resist colonial intrusions until the start of the eighteenth century. This dissertation thus offers a narrative about Native Americans and the Atlantic that is unlike most Southeastern Indian stories. The Ais used their maritime adaptation and the process of indigenous wrecking to engage and exploit the arriving Atlantic world. In the contact era, the Ais truly became Atlantic Ais.

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With the depletion of conventional oil and gas sources, the world is turning to what Urry terms “tough oil,” such as oil from the Alberta oil sands and Arctic. Fracking is a prominent example of this. Situated within an environmental justice framework, I analyze community interpretations and responses to proposed fracking development near Gros Morne National Park, Newfoundland, Canada. Based on data generated from interviews, field observations and content analysis of texts, my findings suggest that how residents view rural place is highly significant in influencing supportive or oppositional positions on fracking. Proponents picture place as a resource extraction landscape, whereas opponents understand place as a restorative landscape for leisure/tourism activities. Through debates about fracking, place is contested and re-imagined. In many ways, fracking is a struggle over who has the power to define the meanings and characteristics of rural community in an era of tough oil and significant rural change.

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This concise essay attempts to show why Isaak Illich Rubin is, until today, the best interpreter, commentator and developer of The Capital of Karl Marx, understanding Marx’s work as an ontology and a gnoseology of the capitalist economic system. To do this, we analyze the relations existing between Marx, Rubin and the theory of science of the Spanish Marxist philosopher Gustavo Bueno. In this way, we can interpret the work “Essays on Marxist theory of value” also as an ontology and a gnoseology of capitalism.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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The results of O'Kelly’s excavations on Beginish Island are reassessed and it is proposed that there was a long-lived settlement there that functioned as a Viking-age maritime way-station. This re-evaluation is conducted in the light of recent scholarship on the nature of Scandinavian and Hiberno-Scandinavian settlement in Ireland and, in part, is based on the finds that have emerged on Beginish since the conclusion of the excavations there. The site is considered in the context of its location on the sea route that joined Hiberno-Scandinavian Cork with Limerick, and it is suggested that other such way-stations await.

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Historical archaeology, in its narrow temporal sense -as an archaeology of the emergence and subsequent evolution of the Modern world- is steadily taking pace in Spanish academia. This paper aims at provoking a more robust debate through understanding how Spanish historical archaeology is placed in the international scene and some of its more relevant particularities. In so doing, the paper also stresses the strong links that have united historical and prehistorical archaeology since its inception, both in relation to the ontological, epistemological and methodological definition of the first as to the influence of socio-political issues in the latter. Such reflection is partly a situated reflection from prehistory as one of the paper’s authors has been a prehistorian for most of her professional life.