Economic sustainability of the Flambeau Mine Ladysmith, Wisconsin

Today sustainable development is a very pertinent issue. Communities do not want companies, specifically mining companies, to deplete a natural resource and leave. The goal is to minimize the negative impacts of mining and the boom/bust cycles of natural resource extraction. In this study a three part framework was developed to analyze the sustainability of the Flambeau Mine in Ladysmith, Wisconsin. The first and second part dealt with an in-depth local and regional analysis and whether the community was developing within its own vision. The third part used nine sustainability measures including: 1. Need Present Generation 2. Future Need 3. Acceptable Legacy 4. Full-Cost 5. Contribution to Economic Development 6. Equity 7. Consent 8. Respect for Ecological Limits, Maintenance of Ecological Integrity and Landscape Requirements 9. Offsetting Restoration This study concluded that the Flambeau Mine was sustainable relative to the first two criteria and that it can be considered mostly sustainable relative to the nine criteria. Overall it can be stated that the Flambeau Mine was a beneficial project to the Ladysmith Wisconsin area. Additionally it appeared to decrease the public’s negative perception of mining. Recommendations for future analytical work are made. Suggestions are made as to how mining companies could increase the potential for the attainment of sustainability in projects. It is recommended that this framework be used by other industries.

Comments on Kevin Stenson’s ‘Governing the Local: Sovereignty, Social Governance and Community Safety’

It is a challenging time to be a social scientist. Many of the concepts and categories we took for granted have been revealed as temporally and geographically specific. It is now widely accepted that the nation-state is no longer the sole container for economic, political and social processes, if indeed it ever was. This is where Kevin Stenson begins his paper. He traces the re-ordering of both state and nation, highlighting recent discussions about the unbundling and rescaling of the state and outlining how increasing ethnic and cultural diversity challenge homogeneous conceptions of the nation. In Stenson’s account these are largely empirical processes that are the basis for the important questions he raises about changing understandings of publics and social order, and their implications for the local governance of community safety. He contrasts two alternative positions; the ‘universal human rights position’ which refuses to privilege the interests of majority populations, and a more ‘communitarian and nationalistic position’ which he argues is most likely to be deployed by right wing politicians and interests groups. Drawing from extensive research in the Thames Valley region of the United Kingdom, he shows how these two understandings have both shaped the local policy response to crime and disorder.

Post-9/11 Terrorism Threats, News Coverage, and Public Perceptions in the United States

Terrorists, policy-makers, and terrorism scholars have long assumed that the mere threat of terrorist strikes affects societies that have experienced actual acts of terrorism. For this reason, most definitions of terrorism include the threat of violent political acts against civilians. But so far research has neither validated this conventional wisdom nor demonstrated how actual and mass-mediated threat messages by terrorists and terror alerts and threat assessments by government officials affect the public in targeted states. This paper fills the gap providing evidence that who conveys such messages matters and that mass-mediated threat messages by al Qaeda leaders and announced alerts and threat assessments by U.S. administration officials had a significant impact on the American public’s threat perceptions in the post-9/11 years.

On genitive linking in Songhay

Die Songhaysprachen verwenden unterschiedliche Konstruktionen, um Genitivbeziehungen auszudrücken. In den hier 'Mainstream' genannten Songhaysprachen findet sich vornehmlich eine Konstruktion ohne weitere Verbindungselemente mit dem Possessor an erster Stellung. In den so genannten nördlichen Songhaysprachen findet sich die gleiche Reihenfolge von Possessor und Possessum, dort werden sie jedoch durch eine Adposition n getrennt. Die Forschung hat bisher meistens die Ansicht vertreten, dieses n sei aus dem Tuareg entlehnt worden, wo man ja eine Genitivpräposition n hat. Diese Ableitung ist jedoch problematisch, da im Tuareg der Possessor dem Possessum folgt, also eine umgekehrte Reihenfolge wie im Songhay vorliegt. In diesem Artikel werde ich versuchen, für eine songhay-interne Ableitung von n zu argumentieren. Zwei verschiedene Lösungen werden vorgeschlagen. Der erste An¬satz geht davon aus, dass es sich um das Relikt einer alten Genitivpartikel, ánè, handelt, die sich noch im Pronomen wane 'der von' finden lässt. Im zweiten Ansatz wird angenommen, dass n ursprünglich die Trennung von zwei NPs markierte. Im Mainstream Songhay hätte sich dieses Element zum Transitivmarkierer im Perfektiv entwickelt, im nördlichen Songhay dagegen zum Markierer von Genetivkonstruktionen haben.

Politikgeschichte in der Schweiz – eine historiographische Skizze

Die traverse lancierte im Jahr 2010 eine Reihe von vier historiographischen Sonderheften. Nach der Wirtschaftsgeschichte (1/2010), der Sozialgeschichte (1/2011) und der Kulturgeschichte (1/2012) wird die Reihe mit einem Heft zur Politikgeschichte (1/2013) abgeschlossen. In 14 Artikeln werden Themen aus dem Mittelalter, der Neuzeit, der Sattelzeit und der Zeitgeschichte aufgenommen. Die Beiträge bieten Forschungsüberblicke zur Geschichte der Parteien und der politischen Bewegungen, der Militärgeschichte, der Rechtsgeschichte, der staatsbürgerlichen Rechte und der Staatsbürgerschaft, den auswärtigen Beziehungen, der Neutralität, der schweizerischen Mitarbeit in internationalen Organisationen, des Service Publics, des Parlamentes und der Verfassung, der Religionsgeschichte und des Säkularismus, der Umwelt und zur Konstruktion von Geschichte und nationaler Indentität. Zusätzlich werden die beiden Arbeitsinstrumente Diplomatische Dokumente der Schweiz und das Jahrbuch Schweizerische Politik (L'Année politique suisse) vorgestellt und am Beispiel des Bergier-Berichts wird die politische Instrumentalisierung der Geschichte diskutiert.

Social milieus and worldviews in Mamluk adab-encyclopedias: The example of poverty and wealth

The economic and cultural rise of parts of the ʿāmma due to the particular economic and infrastructural conditions of the Mamluk era fostered the emergence of new intermediate levels of literature that were situated between the literature of the elite and that of the utterly ignorant and unlettered populace, between the Arabic koiné (al-ʿarabīya al-fuṣḥā) and the local dialects (ʿāmmīya-s), between written and oral composition, performance and transmission. The paper proposes to analyze the composition of three Mamluk adab-encyclopedias and their treatment of poverty and wealth in light of the social milieus of their authors and publics.

Le vicus de Bliesbruck et la villa de Reinheim. Une association inégale

Le Parc archéologique européen de Bliesbruck-Reinheim fait partie des sites archéologiques les plus visités des provinces du nord-ouest de l’Empire romain. On se trouve là non seulement dans un lieu de promenade agréable occupé très tôt par les hommes, mais on flâne aussi à travers un vicus, une petite ville romaine, on entre dans ses maisons pour y regarder leur aménagement, on s’attarde dans des thermes publics bien conservés et on se sent plongé dans l’histoire des premiers siècles de notre ère.

Le temps des hommes doubles. Les arrangements face à l’occupation, de la Révolution française à la guerre de 1870

Le temps des hommes doubles : Louis Aragon a désigné ainsi la séparation voire l’opposition entre l’homme social et l’homme privé dans la société capitaliste. Pour les auteurs réunis ici, il s’agit plutôt de signifier qu’au temps de la souveraineté nationale en armes, dès lors que sont plus rigoureusement assignées aux soldats et aux citoyens à la fois une « identité » et une « cause » supposées dépasser leur état civil et leurs intérêts particuliers, l’occupation militaire multiplie, dans la recherche d’accommodements entre les deux camps, les tensions et les combinaisons possibles entre fonctions ou statuts publics, sociabilités et influences locales, opinions et besoins. Pour caractériser les évolutions qui ont eu lieu entre les guerres déclarées par la France à l’Autriche en 1792 et à la Prusse en 1870, le présent livre met l’accent sur trois thèmes. Il traite d’abord des enjeux politiques et administratifs de l’occupation, parmi lesquels la neutralité, son devenir en tant que concept dans les relations internationales, et le positionnement des États neutres dans des conflits où l’on s’efforce de mobiliser aussi les opinions publiques. L’attention se porte ensuite sur les armées occupantes. Quelle que soit la part d’idéologie que l’autorité politique introduit dans leurs missions, la première de ces missions est de garantir leur propre sécurité. La recherche des accommodements ou le constat de l’extrême difficulté d’en trouver sont enfin abordés du point de vue des sociétés en proie à l’occupation. Dans ces situations où le présent peut être vécu et interprété en fonction d’une mémoire individuelle et collective d’expériences antérieures, le rôle joué par les occupants ne se réduit pas à la brutalité de la soldatesque et à l’exploitation économique.

Le Coq et les revues dada

En 1920, Cocteau et Radiguet éditent une revue intitulée Le Coq, qui se présente comme un dépassement de Dada, et qui aboutit à la création d’une « ligue antimoderne ». Pourtant, Dada est plusieurs fois cité dans la revue, qui reprend aussi les caractéristiques typographiques de revues dada. Mais il apparaît que Le Coq n’a pas saisi la «propagande» dada, qui n’utilise les moyens de la publicité que pour s’en abstraire.

Direct democracy and political trust: Enhancing trust, initiating distrust–or both?

This study investigates the relationship between direct democracy and political trust. We suggest a solution to the controversy in research centering on positive versus negative effects of direct democracy by analytically differentiating between the availability of direct democratic rights and the actual use of those rights. Theoretically, greater availability of direct democratic rights may enhance political trust by increasing citizens’ perception that political authorities can be controlled as well as by incentivizing political authorities to act trustworthily. In contrast, the actual use of the corresponding direct democratic instruments may initiate distrust as it signals to citizens that political authorities do not act in the public’s interest. We test both hypotheses for the very first time with sub-national data of Switzerland. The empirical results seem to support our theoretical arguments.

High prevalence but limited evidence in complementary and alternative medicine: guidelines for future research

The use of complementary and alternative Medicine (CAM) has increased over the past two decades in Europe. Nonetheless, research investigating the evidence to support its use remains limited. The CAMbrella project funded by the European Commission aimed to develop a strategic research agenda starting by systematically evaluating the state of CAM in the EU. CAMbrella involved 9 work packages covering issues such as the definition of CAM; its legal status, provision and use in the EU; and a synthesis of international research perspectives. Based on the work package reports, we developed a strategic and methodologically robust research roadmap based on expert workshops, a systematic Delphi-based process and a final consensus conference. The CAMbrella project suggests six core areas for research to examine the potential contribution of CAM to the health care challenges faced by the EU. These areas include evaluating the prevalence of CAM use in Europe; the EU cititzens’ needs and attitudes regarding CAM; the safety of CAM; the comparative effectiveness of CAM; the effects of meaning and context on CAM outcomes; and different models for integrating CAM into existing health care systems. CAM research should use methods generally accepted in the evaluation of health services, including comparative effectiveness studies and mixed-methods designs. A research strategy is urgently needed, ideally led by a European CAM coordinating research office dedicated to fostering systematic communication between EU governments, the public, charitable and industry funders, researchers and other stakeholders. A European Centre for CAM should also be established to monitor and further a coordinated research strategy with sufficient funds to commission and promote high quality, independent research focusing on the public’s health needs and pan-European collaboration. There is a disparity between highly prevalent use of CAM in Europe and solid knowledge about it. A strategic approach on CAM research should be established to investigate the identified gaps of knowledge and to address upcoming health care challenges.

Catching Reality or Bowing Disciplines: How to Move the Study of Citizenship

In his contribution, Joppke justifies his selection of foundational scholars by linking each to what he sees as the three key facets of citizenship: status, rights and identity. Maarten Vink explicitly links his research agenda to the first, status, and outlines why it is so important. In identifying three facets of citizenship, Joppke acknowledges that some academics would include political participation, but he ultimately decides against it. But here we can, and should, broaden citizenship studies by bringing in insights from the behavioral politics tradition in domestic politics - when and why people engage in political acts - and from the social movements literature in sociology. I believe that the American debate on immigration reform, admittedly stalled, would not have advanced as far as it has without the social movement activism of DREAMers - unauthorized young people pushing for a path to citizenship - and the belief that Barack Obama won re-election in part because of the Latino vote. Importantly, one type of political activism demands formal citizenship, the other does not. As many contributors note, the “national models” approach has had a significant impact on citizenship studies. Whether one views such models through a cultural, institutional or historical lens, this tends to be a top-down, macro-level framework. What about immigrants’ agency? In Canada, although the ruling Conservative government is shifting citizenship discourse to a more traditional language - as Winter points out - it has not reduced immigration, ended dual citizenship, or eliminated multiculturalism, all goals of the Reform Party that the current prime minister once helped build. “Lock-in” effects (or policy feedback loops) based on high immigrant naturalization and the coming of age of a second-generation with citizenship also d emands study, in North America and elsewhere. Much of the research thus far suggests that political decisions over citizenship status and rights do not seem linked to immigrants’ political activism. State-centered decision-making may have characterized policy in the early post-World War II period in Europe (and East Asia?), but does it continue to hold today? Majority publics and immigrant-origin residents are increasingly politicized around citizenship and immigration. Does immigrant agency extend citizenship status, rights and identity to those born outside the polity? Is electoral power key, or is protest necessary? How is citizenship practiced, and contested, irrespective of formal status? These are important and understudied empirical questions, ones that demand theoretical creativity - across sub-fields and disciplines - in conceptualizing and understanding citizenship in contemporary times.