1000 resultados para Brasil - Política e governo - 1968-1973


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Apresenta informações sobre os temas de proposições relacionadas à saúde em tramitação na Comissão de Seguridade Social e Família (CSSF), de modo que tanto a Subcomissão Permanente de Saúde (SUBSAÚDE), quanto a própria CSSF, possam identificar matérias de interesse amplo para as políticas de saúde.

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The Federal Institution for Education, Science and Technology, in its historical path, has been living different changes. The transformations occurred along the way have been determined by coercive forces from the institutional environment, which has became more and more broad and complex throughout the time, obtaining diverse characteristics and new elements such as non institutional factors1 which started to contribute with the other changes. In this context, this work aims to study the isomorphic practices of the managers in the institutional changes process of the IFRN in 1998 and 2008, as of a theoretical coevolutionary perspective (CHILD; RODRIGUES; LEWIN; CARROL; VOLBERDA, 2003). This theory brings a new point of view for the organization analysis to the organizational studies, since it offers a non deterministic and non linear lection of the evolution process, which means, a coevolution. Thus, the organizations and their institutional and non institutional environment auto evolve, auto organize and auto reproduce. Therefore, the institutional and non institutional factors of the macro environment keep a continuous interdependence relationship with the organizations. For the means of this study, it is important to understand that is impossible to comprehend the object, the isomorphic practices, without considering that the previous institutional changes and its evolutions, its continuations and discontinuations, important in the coevolution process. As such, to call upon the institutional historical track is a fundamental aspect to materialize this study, for the recursive movement is indeed present in the coevolution. Another important point to make this research effective is that it is not possible to abdicate from the hologramatic view2 of this study, which considers the object, the isomorphic practices, part of the whole and this whole is also in the parts, therefore it is impossible to comprehend the object of study outside the context where it belongs. With this, as of the objective previously proposed, it is necessary to describe the characteristics of coevolution of the institutional changes related in 1998 and 2008; analyze the dynamic of the isomorphic mechanisms in its respective institutional change process; and describe the lessons learned which the isomorphic practices left to the IFRN, regarding its benefits and difficulties. All these transformations happened through coercive forces3 of the institutional environment. As of the Nineties, these forces became stronger, the environment became broader and more complex, with the emergency of new environmental factors. This study proposed to study the managing process and its practices, related to the micro environment, although it is required to articulate these actions, the demands and requirements from the macro environment. To make this research effective, semi structured interviews have been conducted with the managers who participated in both institutional change processes. In the results analysis, it has been possible to verify the particularity of each change, the one from 1998 with a strong normative action of the managers against coercive forces from the government for the search of recognition and the institutional legitimation and the one in 2008, which has been characterized by the normative action by managers in agreement with the coercive forces from the government, in favor of the government policy for the technological professional education. However, the results analysis it is possible to notice the evidence of a belonging feeling from the interviewed managers

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New technologies appear each moment and its use can result in countless benefits for that they directly use and for all the society as well. In this direction, the State also can use the technologies of the information and communication to improve the level of rendering of services to the citizens, to give more quality of life to the society and to optimize the public expense, centering it in the main necessities. For this, it has many research on politics of Electronic Government (e-Gov) and its main effect for the citizen and the society as a whole. This research studies the concept of Electronic Government and wishes to understand the process of implementation of Free Softwares in the agencies of the Direct Administration in the Rio Grande do Norte. Moreover, it deepens the analysis to identify if its implantation results in reduction of cost for the state treasury and intends to identify the Free Software participation in the Administration and the bases of the politics of Electronic Government in this State. Through qualitative interviews with technologies coordinators and managers in 3 State Secretaries it could be raised the ways that come being trod for the Government in order to endow the State with technological capacity. It was perceived that the Rio Grande do Norte still is an immature State in relation to practical of electronic government (e-Gov) and with Free Softwares, where few agencies have factual and viable initiatives in this area. It still lacks of a strategical definition of the paper of Technology and more investments in infrastructure of staff and equipment. One also observed advances as the creation of the normative agency, the CETIC (State Advice of Technology of the Information and Communication), the Managing Plan of Technology that provide a necessary diagnosis with the situation how much Technology in the State and considered diverse goals for the area, the accomplishment of a course of after-graduation for managers of Technology and the training in BrOffice (OppenOffice) for 1120 public servers

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O tema central deste trabalho é a política cambial. Seu objetivo básico é analisar a condução da política cambial no Brasil entre 1945-1973, que compreende a vigência do Acordo de Bretton Woods, identificando as principais medidas adotadas e seus efeitos sobre algumas das principais variáveis econômicas. Ainda que o Acordo de Bretton Woods tenha estabelecido o dólar norte-americano como base do sistema monetário mundial, de forma que cada país deveria adotar uma taxa fixa de câmbio em relação ao dólar-norte americano, verificou-se, especialmente após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, a utilização freqüente de alternância de instrumentos de política cambial pelo governo brasileiro. Dessa forma, ficou evidenciado que durante o período mencionado, a política cambial, esteve em grande parte, subordinada à gestão de freqüentes estrangulamentos cambiais, decorrentes da necessidade de equilibrar as contas externas ou de fornecer divisas à importação dos bens de produção necessários à continuidade do desenvolvimento industrial. Tais fatos, levavam o governo brasileiro a adotar medidas intercaladas de controle cambial, ora austeras, ora mais flexíveis, para fazer frente a tais desequilíbrios. Em 1973, o Acordo de Bretton Woods ruiu e desta forma o sistema monetário internacional passou a adotar taxas de câmbio flexíveis. No entanto, o Brasil já vinha praticando uma política cambial mais flexível desde 1968, com base em minidesvalorizações cambiais, levando em consideração a variação da paridade do poder de compra. À guisa de conclusão, evidenciou-se que a política cambial teve importância crucial, constituindo-se num marco decisivo no processo de desenvolvimento econômico do país, durante o período analisado, procurando, em conjunturas específicas, compatibilizar a estabilidade econômica com os compromissos desenvolvimentistas assumidos pelos governos do período.

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O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a política educacional adotada durante o governo de João Goulart e os anos iniciais do período de Ditadura Militar, portanto, entre 1961 e 1968. Serão enfocadas as mudanças que ocorreram no ensino universitário do país e os reflexos que tais mudanças desencadearam na relação do Movimento Estudantil e os governos. Este projeto busca tratar o Movimento Estudantil no contexto dos anos que precederam o golpe militar de 1964 e os anos subseqüentes, tendo como foco suas formas de ações e mobilizações bem como as pautas e questões demandas por este no que tangia ao ensino superior no Brasil. Nossa hipótese é a de que à medida que a política educacional destes dois momentos – do início do governo de João Goulart, em 1961, até o fim deste bruscamente em 31 de março de 1964; a segunda fase a partir do golpe militar que depôs o presidente da República João Goulart, até a promulgação do AI-5, em outubro de 1968 – foi mudando, o comportamento estudantil e as bandeiras por ele levantadas foram se transformando também. Além disso, visualizaremos as transformações que ocorreram na representação estudantil pós-64, como por exemplo, a criação de Centros Acadêmicos Livres, pois os tradicionais passaram a ser vinculado ao Estado, a partir da promulgação da Lei Suplicy em novembro de 1964. Mediante a delimitação dessas variações ao longo deste período, nossa intenção é visualizar que tipo de correlação foi estabelecida entre o Movimento Estudantil e as reformas de educação, desejadas já desde o governo João Goulart. Mais do que analisar as próprias reformas do ensino universitário, o que propomos com este trabalho é ver como se portava o Movimento Estudantil em relação não somente as mudanças advindas da passagem de um Regime Democrática para uma Ditadura, mas, principalmente, qual era o papel do ME. Ou seja, se este era um ator proponente de pautas e demandas reivindicativas, ou se ao contrário, somente reagia às novas medidas adotadas por estes governos, como por exemplo, a aprovação do acordo MEC-USAID que propunha a modernização administrativa e pedagógica das Universidades Federais, tendo como base o modelo norte-americano.

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Este artigo busca identificar os fatores que concorrem para explicar a mudança no eixo entre a Argentina e o Brasil, no começo da década de 1980, quando as duas diplomacias convergiram em um projeto de integração inovador. O argumento apresentado defende que a aproximação entre os dois países foi o legado, inesperado, do relacionamento bilateral ao longo da gestão do Presidente Geisel (1974-1979).

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Neste artigo se analisa a política externa do Brasil na gestão do general João Baptista de Oliveira Figueiredo, último presidente do ciclo militar iniciado com o Golpe de 1964. O Brasil viveu, neste período, processo de abertura política e de recondução do país ao regime democrático. Neste contexto, a Política Exterior da nação conhecida por parte da historiografia como Universalismo caracterizou-se pela aproximação comercial com diversos países nos quatro cantos do mundo e pelo discurso de denúncia das desigualdades existentes no sistema internacional. Entretanto, devido à crise manifestada, no período, em várias dimensões da vida nacional, o Universalismo não se estabeleceu em bases consensuais no aparato burocrático do Estado brasileiro. Houve claras manifestações de descontentamento em relação àquela política externa capitaneada pelo chanceler Ramiro Saraiva Guerreiro. Assim, o argumento centra-se na discussão e demonstração do contraste entre o Universalismo e seus críticos, buscando contribuir para o melhor detalhamento da política exterior do Brasil.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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This paper has as objective to analyze the foundry work politics made by the Olívio Dutra's government in the state of Rio Grande do Sul-Brazil, being taken into account their guidelines, the dynamics of the political struggle promoted between the social leaders from the rural area and the achieved global results. This government's freshness is related to the fact of it was being sustained and supported by a coalition of left wing parties and by a group of social movements and also by syndical entities of the field, which was decisive in the presentation of an antagonistic program to the neoliberal politics on energy in a national extent. Hence this government became committed in adopting an own foundry work politics, being opposed to the program of market land reform extolled by Cardoso's government, in national wide. Therefore, the results presented along the article demonstrate that in spite of the assumed commitments and, in face of legal, institutional and economical limitations and also its existent politics, the space of the state governments' performance can only be thought about its complemental character on the federal government's actions.

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This paper has as objective to analyze the foundry work politics made by the Olívio Dutra's government in the state of Rio Grande do Sul-Brazil, being taken into account their guidelines, the dynamics of the political struggle promoted between the social leaders from the rural area and the achieved global results. This government's freshness is related to the fact of it was being sustained and supported by a coalition of left wing parties and by a group of social movements and also by syndical entities of the field, which was decisive in the presentation of an antagonistic program to the neoliberal politics on energy in a national extent. Hence this government became committed in adopting an own foundry work politics, being opposed to the program of market land reform extolled by Cardoso's government, in national wide. Therefore, the results presented along the article demonstrate that in spite of the assumed commitments and, in face of legal, institutional and economical limitations and also its existent politics, the space of the state governments' performance can only be thought about its complemental character on the federal government's actions.

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This paper has as objective to analyze the foundry work politics made by the Olívio Dutra's government in the state of Rio Grande do Sul-Brazil, being taken into account their guidelines, the dynamics of the political struggle promoted between the social leaders from the rural area and the achieved global results. This government's freshness is related to the fact of it was being sustained and supported by a coalition of left wing parties and by a group of social movements and also by syndical entities of the field, which was decisive in the presentation of an antagonistic program to the neoliberal politics on energy in a national extent. Hence this government became committed in adopting an own foundry work politics, being opposed to the program of market land reform extolled by Cardoso's government, in national wide. Therefore, the results presented along the article demonstrate that in spite of the assumed commitments and, in face of legal, institutional and economical limitations and also its existent politics, the space of the state governments' performance can only be thought about its complemental character on the federal government's actions.