997 resultados para basic income


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In this paper I claim that, in a long-run perspective, measurements of income inequality, under any of the usual inequality measures used in the literature, are upward biased. The reason is that such measurements are cross-sectional by nature and, therefore, do not take into consideration the turnover in the job market which, in the long run, equalizes within-group (e.g., same-education groups) inequalities. Using a job-search model, I show how to derive the within-group invariant-distribution Gini coefficient of income inequality, how to calculate the size of the bias and how to organize the data in arder to solve the problem. Two examples are provided to illustrate the argument.

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This paper explores the evolution of the cross-section income distribution in economies where endogenous neighborhood formation interacts with positive within-neighborhood feedback effects. We study an economy in which the economic success of adults is determined by the characteristics of the families in the neighborhood in which a person grows up. These feedbacks take two forms. First, the tax base of a neighborhood affects the leveI of education investment in offspring. Second, the effectiveness of education investment is affected by a neighborhood's in come distribution, reflecting factors such as role model or labor market connection effects. Conditions are developed under which endogenous stratification, defined as the tendency for families wi th similar incomes to choose to form common communities, will occur. When families are allowed to choose their neighborhoods, wealthy families will have an incentive to segregate themselves from the rest of the population. This resulting stratification is supported by house price differences between ricli and poor communities. Endogenous stratification can lead to pronounced intertemporal inequality as different families provide very different interaction environments for offspring. When the transformation of human capital into in come exhibits constant retums to scale, cross-section in come differences may also grow across time. As a result, endogenous stratification and neighborhood feedbacks can interact to produce long run inequality.

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A model of overlapping generations in continuous time is composed. IndividuaIs pass through two distinct time periods during their life times. During the first period, they work, save and have a death probability equal to zero. During the second, from the periods T after birth, their probability of death changes to p and then they retire. Capital stock and the stationary state in come are calculated for two situations: in the first, people live from their accumulated capital after retirementj in the second, they live from a state transfer payment through income taxo To simplify matters, in this preliminary version, it is supposed that there is no population growth and that the instantaneous elasticity substitution of consumption is unitary.

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This paper studies how the eomposition of ineome between mothers and fathers affeets fertility and sehooling investments in ehildren, using data from the 1976 and 1996 PNAD, a Brazilian household survey. Ineome composition affeets the time eost of fertility because mothers and fathers alloeate different amounts of time to child-rearing. These effects are in turn transmitted to investments in ehildren through a tradeoffbetween quantity and quality of ehildren. The main contribution of this paper is twofold. First, it derives new implications about the relationship between household ineome composition and schooling investments in ehildren. Seeond, this paper devises and implements an empirieal approaeh to assess these implieations, using two eross-seetions of fertility and schooling data from Brazil. The main empirical findings of the paper ean be summarized as follows. First, the empirical analysis shows that a larger negative effect of the mother's labor in come on fertility in 1996 is associated with a larger positive effect on the adult child's schooling, refleeting the interaction between quantity and quality of children. Second, the larger negative effect of the mother's labor income on fertility in 1996 is associated with a reduction in the effect of other determinants of number of children. This suggests that an increase in the relative importanee of time costs of fertility may be an important determinant of variations in fertility over time in Brazil and other developing countries .

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We study the optimal “inflation tax” in an environment with heterogeneous agents and non-linear income taxes. We first derive the general conditions needed for the optimality of the Friedman rule in this setup. These general conditions are distinct in nature and more easily interpretable than those obtained in the literature with a representative agent and linear taxation. We then study two standard monetary specifications and derive their implications for the optimality of the Friedman rule. For the shopping-time model the Friedman rule is optimal with essentially no restrictions on preferences or transaction technologies. For the cash-credit model the Friedman rule is optimal if preferences are separable between the consumption goods and leisure, or if leisure shifts consumption towards the credit good. We also study a generalized model which nests both models as special cases.

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Five years ago, Coca-Cola Brasil launched a program named “Coletivo Project”, with the purpose to enjoy an opportunity of increase on the potential consumption power of the low-income pyramid population that lived on the “favelas”. At the same time, it had the objective to offer to them a social and financial impact, which is a trust on the future, the first job for the young adults’ participant of this program and an increase on their family source of revenues, through salaries. This was possible because through Coletivo Project, Coca-Cola identified the assets they have through its value chain, focusing on its competencies, such as retail, merchandising and logistics to apply them on courses to teach the young people of the communities and, as a result, form them to be able to find their new jobs. Internal indicators followed in a monthly basis by Coca-Cola demonstrated that the communities that had the presence of Coletivos, in comparison to those without Coletivos, had social and financial impacts. The social was the fact that the young formed started to have more confidence on their future and felt with a higher self-stem to apply for and obtain their first job. On the financial aspect, they were benefit through the increasing of their revenues and also their families and Coca-Cola had an increase on sales, when compared to a community without a Coletivo Project installed. This dissertation seeks to identify the current relationship between Coca-Cola and the communities, through the Coletivo Project classes performed on the NGOs located at this places, in order to identify opportunities for improvement the benefits and the impacts (financial and social) on the NGOs, communities and all stakeholders of this project. This dissertation examines this relationship, through presence interviews performed on four NGOs selected, and located on four of the twenty communities, that are participants of the Coletivo Project on Rio de Janeiro city. These interviews performed with the students, representatives and educators of these NGOs. The covered period of the interviews ranges from April 2014 to August 2014. This dissertation draws on first-hand qualitative empirical evidence gathered through extensive fieldwork. The main findings among possibilities for improvement by Coca-Cola are: • Implement new courses, beyond those existent at Coca-Cola (Retail, Logistics, etc.). • Increase the content of the employment module of Coletivo classes, focusing on improving educational, cultural, economic, political, social and professional life. • Increase the scale, through the quantity of positions on the Retail Coletivo classes. • Develop cultural and sports events with the communities. • Support the points of sales, participant of the practical classes of the Coletivo Retail, with refrigerators and furniture with the Coca-Cola logo. • Provide coffee breaks and meals during the Coletivo classes, using Coca-Cola beverages and partners for food items, developing the nutrition platform of the company and filling a need of the students. • Perform a research with all stakeholders related to this Project, including those students and mothers that are not participant of the Coletivo, in order to listen to them, understand their needs, and offer solutions to fulfill these gaps. and on the side of the • Perform partnerships with educational institutions to make viable other type of courses, more technical, but that have a relation with the core business of Coca-Cola Brasil, such as marketing. • Implement the Coca-Cola University, already existed at the Company. • Create courses or activities focused on the children. Regarding the impossibilities, the findings are: • Improve the basic sanitation of the communities. • Improve the safety on the communities. • Provide a home to those do not have. • Implement courses that have no relationship with Coca-Cola business and expertise, such as gastronomy. However, Coca-Cola can influence stakeholders on that. The results suggest to executives of Coca-Cola that a deep and a qualitative research on the communities of Brazil, in order to listen young people, educators, mothers, partners that offer jobs, from Coletivo and out of the project, is mandatory, to understand their needs, dreams, complains and offer valuable solutions to all.

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We study a two–sector version of the neoclassical growth model with coalitions of factor suppliers in the capital producing sectors. We show that if the coalitions have monopoly rights, then they block the adoption of the efficient technology. We also show that blocking leads to a decrease in the productivity of each capital producing sector and to an increase in the relative price of capital; as a result the capital stock and the production fall in each sector. We finally show that the implied fall in the level of per–capita income can be large quantitatively.

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We studied the effects of changes in banking spreads on distributions of income, wealth and consumption as well as the welfare of the economy. This analysis was based on a model of heterogeneous agents with incomplete markets and occupational choice, in which the informality of firms and workers is a relevant transmission channel. The main finding is that reductions in spreads for firms increase the proportion of entrepreneurs and formal workers in the economy, thereby decreasing the size of the informal sector. The effects on inequality, however, are ambiguous and depend on wage dynamics and government transfers. Reductions in spreads for individuals lead to a reduction in inequality indicators at the expense of consumption and aggregate welfare. By calibrating the model to Brazil for the 2003-2012 period, it is possible to find results in line with the recent drop in informality and the wage gap between formal and informal workers

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This paper analyzes how differences in the composition of wealth between human and physical capital among families affect fertility choices. These in tum influence the dynamics of wealth and income inequality across generations through a tradeoffbetween quantity and quality of children. Wealth composition affects fertility because physical capital has only a wealth effect on number of children, whereas human capital increases the time cost of child-rearing in addition to the wealth effect. I construct a model combining endogenous fertility with borrowing constraints in human capital investments, in which weaIth composition is determined endogenously. The model is calibrated to the PNAD, a Brazilian household survey, and the main findings of the paper can be summarized as follows. First, the model implies that the crosssection relationship between fertility and wealth typically displays a U-shaped pattem, reflecting differences in wealth composition between poor and rich families. Also, the quantity-quality tradeoff implies a concave cross-section relationship between investments per child and wealth. Second, as the economy develops and families overcome their bOlTowing constraints, the negative effect of weaIth on fertility becomes smaller, and persistence of inequality declines accordingly. The empirical evidence presented in this paper is consistent with both implications .

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No Brasil, os jovens de baixa renda estão propensos ao desemprego, o que é particularmente problemático em uma economia emergente onde a desigualdade de renda é relativamente alta, e onde o desenvolvimento socioeconômico futuro pode depender do crescimento e da estabilidade de uma classe média já vulnerável. Além disso, o desemprego entre os jovens, especialmente em cidades urbanas, está associado a elevada incidência de violência, comportamento ilegal, aumento da desigualdade e instabilidade sociopolítica. Este estudo complementa tentativas existentes de promover as perspectivas de emprego da juventude brasileira, investigando as aspirações profissionais de 25 adolescentes que vivem em comunidades de baixa renda na zona urbana de São Paulo. A pesquisa foi realizada através de grupos de foco durante o período de quatro encontros nas comunidades paulistanas de Vila Albertina, Heliópolis, Vila Prudente e Vila Nova Esperança. Os resultados da pesquisa repetem, em grande parte, o conhecimento existente que diz respeito a adolescentes; eles confirmam o papel importante que o mérito individual, o microambiente e os modelos exemplares (isto é, familiares, colegas e educadores locais) têm de moldar e possibilitar (ou impedir) os planos de carreira de jovens adultos, e destacam a flexibilidade e a diversidade de interesses profissionais nesta faixa etária. Ademais, os resultados revelam atitudes paradoxais face às comunidades de baixa renda em São Paulo. Todos os participantes pareciam empoderados por elementos dentro de seu microambiente, exibiam sentimentos de orgulho e que faziam parte de sua comunidade; porém, muitos pareciam perturbados pela maneira como pessoas de fora estereotipam ou estigmatizam os moradores da "favela". Ao todo, o estudo destaca tendências que sustentam razões para maiores investimentos no desenvolvimento profissional dos jovens de baixa renda. Na qualidade de um ecossistema com potencial para desenvolvimento socioeconômico, as comunidades de baixa renda podem constituir uma fonte rica não apenas de recursos humanos, mas também de oportunidades comerciais e empregos.

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Insurance provision against uncertainties is present in several dimensions of peoples´s lives, such as the provisions related to, inter alia, unemployment, diseases, accidents, robbery and death. Microinsurance improves the ability of low-income individuals to cope with these risks. Brazil has a fairly developed financial system but still not geared towards the poor, especially in what concerns the insurance industry. The evaluation of the microinsurance effects on well-being, and the demand for different types of microinsurance require an analysis of the dynamics of the individual income process and an assessment of substitutes and complementary institutions that condition their respective financial behavior. The evaluation of the microinsurance effects on well-being, and the demand for different types of microinsurance require an analysis of the dynamics of the individual income process and an assessment of substitutes and complementary institutions that condition their respective financial behavior. The Brazilian government provides a relatively developed social security system considering other countries of similar income level which crowds-out the demand for insurance and savings. On the other hand, this same public infrastructure may help to foster microfinance products supply. The objective of this paper is to analyze the demand for different types of private insurance by the low-income population using microdata from a National Expenditure Survey (POF/IBGE). The final objective is to help to understand the trade-offs faced for the development of an emerging industry of microinsurance in Brazil.

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Brazilian public policy entered in the so-called new social federalism through its conditional cash transfers. States and municipalities can operate together through the nationwide platform of the Bolsa Familia Program (BFP), complementing federal actions with local innovations. The state and the city of Rio de Janeiro have created programs named, respectively, Renda Melhor (RM) and Família Carioca (FC). These programs make use of the operational structure of the BFP, which facilitates locating beneficiaries, issuing cards, synchronizing payment dates and access passwords and introducing new conditionalities. The payment system of the two programs complements the estimated permanent household income up to the poverty line established, giving more to those who have less. Similar income complementation system was subsequently adopted in the BFP and the Chilean Ingreso Ético Familiar, which also follow the principle of estimation of income used in the FC and in the RM. Instead of using the declared income, the value of the Rio cash transfers are set using the extensive collection of information obtained from the Single Registry of Social Programs (Cadastro Único): physical configuration of housing, access to public services, education and work conditions for all family members, presence of vulnerable groups, disabilities, pregnant or lactating women, children and benefits from other official transfers such as the BFP. With this multitude of assets and limitations, the permanent income of each individual is estimated. The basic benefit is defined by the poverty gap and priority is given to the poorest. These subnational programs use international benchmarks as a neutral ground between different government levels and mandates. Their poverty line is the highest of the first millennium goal of the United Nations (UN): US$ 2 per person per day adjusted for the cost of living. The other poverty line of the UN, US$ 1.25, was implicitly adopted as the national extreme poverty line in 2011. The exchange of methodologies between federal entities has happened both ways. The FC began with the 575,000 individuals living in the city of Rio de Janeiro who were on the payroll of the BFP. Its system of impact evaluation benefited from bi-monthly standardized examinations. In the educational conditionalities, the two programs reward students' progress, a potential advantage for those who most need to advance. The municipal program requires greater school attendance than that of the BFP and the presence of students’ parents at the bimonthly meetings held on Saturdays. Students must achieve a grade of 8 or improve at least 20% in each exam to receive a bi-monthly premium of R$50. In early childhood, priority is given to the poor children in the program Single Administrative Register (CadÚnico) to enroll in kindergarten, preschools and complementary activities. The state program reaches more than one million people with a payment system similar to the municipal one. Moreover, it innovates in that it transfers awards given to high school students to savings accounts. The prize increases and is paid to the student, who can withdraw up to 30% annually. The total can reach R$3,800 per low-income student. The State and the city rewarded already education professionals according to student performance, now completing the chain of demand incentives on poor students and their parents. Increased performance is higher among beneficiaries and the presence of their guardians at meetings is twice compared to non beneficiaries; The Houston program, also focuses on aligning the incentives to teachers, parents and students. In general, the plan is to explore strategic complementarities, where the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. The objective is to stimulate, through targets and incentives, synergies between social actors (teachers, parents, students), between areas (education, assistance, work) and different levels of government. The cited programs sum their efforts and divide labor so as to multiply interactions and make a difference in the lives of the poor.

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Esta dissertação doutoral, com base em dados empíricos coletados com 50 mães distribuídas no Brasil (n = 30) e nos EUA (n = 20), tem como objetivo fornecer uma melhor compreensão do desperdício de alimento no contexto da baixa renda. A tese é composta por três artigos, que combinados, cumprem os objetivos de identificar os antecedentes do desperdício de alimento e delinear uma tipologia dos desperdiçadores de alimento. Adicionalmente, contextualiza o desperdício global e um capítulo propõe uma agenda futura para estudos sobre desperdício de alimento no âmbito do consumidor. O desperdício de alimento nas famílias, enquanto tema de pesquisa, oferece a oportunidade para o trabalho acadêmico em marketing cumprir os critérios de relevância social, gerencial e para políticas públicas. No primeiro estudo, descrevem-se os fatores do chamado "paradoxo do desperdício de alimento", a identificação e análise do desperdício de alimento em famílias com restrições orçamentárias, enquanto apresentam-se o itinerário do consumo de alimentos e os antecedentes do desperdício. Este primeiro artigo, elaborado com dados coletados em famílias brasileiras, ilustra também o papel das normas culturais, tais como o preparo abundante de alimento para mostrar hospitalidade ou como forma de não ser percebido como pobre, no aumento do desperdício. No segundo artigo, uma grounded-theory (teoria fundamentada nos dados) destaca o papel do afeto e da abundância no desperdício de alimento familiar. Para enriquecer as contribuições teóricas, este segundo estudo apresenta um framework com seis dimensões do desperdício de alimento (1. Afeto; 2. Abundância; 3. Multiplicidade de escolhas; 4. Conveniência; 5. Procrastinação; 6. Rotina sem planejamento). Baseado em dados empíricos coletados em famílias americanas, este estudo proporciona novas explicações, a exemplo de como o estoque abundante de comfort foods - uma forma de impulsionar tanto emoções positivas para si quanto mostrar afeto para crianças – pode gerar mais desperdício de alimentos. Em síntese, o segundo artigo identifica uma consequência negativa do afeto e da abundância de alimentos no contexto familiar, e apresenta um framework teoricamente relevante. Finalmente, o terceiro artigo, a partir do conjunto de dados dos estudos anteriores e de nova coleta com dez famílias, propõe uma tipologia comportamental do desperdício de alimento, uma contribuição original aos estudos de comportamento do consumidor. A identificação de cinco tipos de desperdiçadores de alimentos - (1) Mães carinhosas; (2) Cozinheiras abundantes; (3) Desperdiçadoras de sobras; (4) Procrastinadoras; (5) Mães versáteis - contribui para a teoria, enquanto implicações potenciais para educadores nutricionais e agentes públicos são exploradas a partir dos resultados. Como uma forma de explicar as características de cada um dos cinco tipos identificados, compara-se aspectos das amostras brasileira e norte-americana, que apresentam similaridades no comportamento de desperdício de alimento. Os níveis de desperdício percebidos por país também são comparados. Em suma, os achados dos três artigos podem contribuir para maximizar os resultados de campanhas de conscientização voltadas à mitigação do desperdício de alimento, e apresentam ideias para varejistas interessados em iniciativas de sustentabilidade. Mais abrangentemente, os resultados apresentados também podem ser aplicados para incrementar programas de combate à fome e projetos de educação nutricional realizados pelo setor público ou ONGs.