The impact of safety politics in the current globalization context

The globalization is a process of economical, social, cultural and political integration motivated by the needs generated by a consumption-orientated society and a set of factors that have led to its development, such as reducing transport costs, the technological advancement and the development of communication networks. However, the phenomenon of globalization has been accompanied by increasing levels of insecurity as a result of various types of threats and transnational crimes that the International Community seeks to control and minimize. Throughout this work, we examined how the globalization process has been developing and how nations are able to maintain security levels consistent with their economical status and social development, without disturbing the normal course of organizations’ economical activity and the well-being of people. From the investigation developed we concluded that, besides the confirmation that economic integration and the opening of markets have influence on internal consumption, market globalization and migrations have been causing modifications in the consumption habits. We also concluded that the security measures implemented by States or by the International Community affect international trade, but do not imply disproportionate costs or significant delays in transactions. Likewise, we concluded that the control measures implemented in international trade are sufficient to ensure the safety of the people and nations, enabling us to confirm two of the three conjectures raised in this study.

O Processo de internacionalização das empresas angolanas e o seu impacto no crescimento e desenvolvimento económico: o caso da Sonangol

Dissertação de Mestrado apresentado ao Instituto Superior de Contabilidade e Administração do Porto para a obtenção do grau de Mestre em Empreendedorismo e Internacionalização. Os orientadores: Prof. Doutor José de Freitas Santos Profª. Doutora Maria Clara Dias Pinto Ribeiro

Recém-nascidos de muito baixo peso e famílias migrantes : maternidade Dr. Alfredo da Costa : uma janela sobre a sociedade contemporânea portuguesa…

RESUMO - A migração transnacional de pessoas tem-se afirmado como um fenómeno global e crescente, provocando, nos diversos contextos nacionais implicados, mudança social e desafios adaptativos das sociedades e instituições. O universo da saúde poderá contudo constituir uma esfera privilegiada de interacção senão de inclusão e coesão social, requestionando os conceitos de cidadania. A sustentação de bons indicadores de saúde, nomeadamente materna e infantil, decorre de estratégias abrangentes de saúde pública e de políticas visionárias que contemplem sempre e também os mais necessitados. Procurando conhecer melhor os contextos em que ocorre o nascimento de recém-nascidos de muito baixo peso, este projecto corresponde a um estudo exploratório na maior maternidade do país, procurando entender a eventual associação de factores de índole social e familiar, nomeadamente ser de origem migrante. --------------------------- ABSTRACT - Transnational migration of people has clearly become a global and growing issue causing, on different national grounds, social change and adaptative challenges to society and its institutions. The health universe may, however, be a privileged scenery for integration and social cohesion making one re-think the concept of citizenship. Keeping up good health statistics, including maternal and child health results from wide public health strategies and fore seeking health policies not disregarding the underprivileged or the less visible fringes of society. Aiming to clarify on what context very low birth weight happens this project consists mainly in an explorative study on the biggest maternity in Portugal. Social and familiar factors are screened for possible association with migrant origin in ver

O combate ao branqueamento de capitais em Portugal

Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada ao Instituto de Contabilidade e Administração do Porto para a obtenção do grau de Mestre em Auditoria, sob orientação de Mestre Gabriela Maria Azevedo Pinheiro

A criação de valor no mercado da saúde enquanto fator diferenciador para a negociação de preços e competitividade em contexto de crise mundial

Numa altura em que o setor da saúde é apontado como uma área crítica de gastos, nunca foi tão pertinente, pela falta de verbas, refletir e discutir o formato de contratação e de gestão dos cuidados de saúde. A sua fundamentação em custo, volume ou diferenciação, bem como, os indicadores que refletem o investimento, a eficiência e eficácia dos cuidados. Pretendeu-se como objetivo principal estudar a criação de valor no mercado da saúde enquanto fator diferenciador para a negociação de preços e competitividade em contexto de crise económica. Com vista a alcançar este objetivo, procedeu-se à revisão dos modelos teóricos, recorrendo a pesquisa bibliográfica. Procedeu-se também à comparação dos resultados operacionais de uma empresa enquanto prestadora de serviços de oxigenoterapia ao domicílio, tendo por base duas estratégias diferentes: redução direta de preços ou manutenção de preços com criação de valor para o cliente. Tendo em vista as duas estratégias, foram elaboradas duas propostas e posteriormente apresentadas para avaliação e votação on-line por um grupo oito gestores hospitalares. O valor em cuidados de saúde é visível nos benefícios clínicos alcançados pelo dinheiro investido. A estrutura dos atuais sistemas de saúde apenas reconhece redução de gastos, fontes de receita, volume de cuidados, sem orientação para a valorização dos resultados clínicos. Os prestadores deviam competir pela focalização na obtenção de melhores resultados clínicos, pois deve ser a essa a preocupação central dos serviços médicos. Uma boa gestão pode levar a que numa negociação de contratos, uma proposta baseada em valor possa garantir a manutenção dos preços.

Islão transnacional e os fantasmas do colonialismo português

Este artigo examina a forma como as políticas colónias portuguesas de enquadramento do Islão na Guiné e em Moçambique evoluíram de uma representação do muçulmano como ameaça para uma imagem mais conciliadora, pela qual os muçulmanos poderiam ser potenciais aliados do poder português na guerra contra os movimentos nacionalistas. Sendo ambas as representações marcadas pela ambivalência, a primeira predominou até ao final da década de 50 e a segunda desenhou-se em meados dos anos 60, acompanhando o restante trajecto das guerras coloniais. As duas imagens corresponderam a diferentes formas de lidar com a dimensão transnacional do Islão e com o seu alegado impacto sobre o colonialismo português em África. O artigo analisa essas estratégias, abordando a participação que nelas teve a Igreja Católica, o aparelho central de poder e as suas ramificações locais nas colónias.

Relações sinuosas: Portugal e o mundo árabe, 1950-1973

Nas três últimas décadas do colonialismo português, as políticas destinadas às populações muçulmanas da Guiné e de Moçambique passaram da hostilidade mais ou menos aberta para uma estratégia de sedução, com vista a promover um “Islão português” e a usar certos sectores muçulmanos no combate aos movimentos nacionalistas. Esta transição teve também uma componente transnacional, na medida em que se quis alargar a intervenção portuguesa a um espaço estratégico designado como “mundo islâmico”. O presente artigo procura analisar essa intervenção, debruçando-se sobre o pensamento geopolítico que a informou e as suas aplicações diplomáticas, em particular no relacionamento com os países árabes.

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

A dimensão marítima da segurança nacional : os desafios do Arquipélago de Cabo Verde

A presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar os principais desafios à segurança marítima na subregião da África Ocidental, particularmente nas ilhas de Cabo Verde. Incidir-se-á, igualmente, sob as principais iniciativas adotadas a nível regional e nacional, bem como, as implicações desses novos desafios na estratégia de segurança nacional de Cabo Verde e os efeitos das ações cooperativas na segurança marítima deste arquipélago. Argumenta-se que apesar dos vários benefícios e potencialidades de exploração do espaço marítimo, existem, atualmente, diversas ameaças e vulnerabilidades, como a criminalidade organizada transnacional, mormente, o tráfico ilícito de drogas e de armas. De igual modo, a pirataria marítima, o terrorismo marítimo, a pesca ilegal e a poluição marítima colocam sérios problemas securitários aos Estados costeiros. No contexto dessas novas ameaças e face às limitações atuais do Direito Internacional Marítimo e à falta de pragmatismo de políticas nacionais e regionais, um possível caminho para combater as atividades ilícitas no mar é através de uma visão partilhada de interesses comuns e a tomada de decisões compartilhadas a todos os níveis. Para se atingir o desiderato proposto, além de se apoiar numa ampla revisão de bibliografia existente sobre a segurança marítima e relatórios elaborados por organismos regionais e internacionais, baseia-se também em leis e documentos oficiais de Cabo Verde relativos à segurança marítima.

Pessoas deslocadas internamente: soberania nacional e proteção internacional perante uma "nova" tendência migratória

A investigação acerca das pessoas deslocadas internamente (isto é, no interior dos seus países, mas fora dos seus espaços de vida habituais) se mostra um desafio, em virtude dos volumes de pessoas atualmente envolvidas e das condições com que se confrontam, da incapacidade (ou desinteresse) dos Estados nacionais em garantir proteção aos seus cidadãos, e do princípio de neutralidade internacional, que dificilmente permite intervenções externas no sentido da salvaguarda dos direitos humanos. Discutimos as categorizações adotadas, as normas jurídicas existentes e o quadro institucional vigente no que se refere à proteção das Pessoas Deslocadas Internamente, da mesma forma que destacamos grupos minoritários de deslocados internos que sofrem maiores constrangimentos, como as mulheres. Fizemos um paralelo com os refugiados, assim como com os retidos nas zonas de conflito, os deslocados por razões ambientais e econômicas. Analisamos o conceito de cidadania, Estado soberano e a noção do não intervencionismo, assim como problematizamos os desafios colocados pela globalização, pela amplitude dos fenômenos migratórios e desrespeitos aos direitos humanos. Argumentamos a possibilidade de uma esfera pública transnacional como possível mediadora entre Estado e cidadãos, fazendo-se necessário uma análise do conceito de esfera pública, bem como da atuação dos movimentos sociais transnacionais. Realizamos um estudo comparativo entre Angola (desalojamento de pessoas e destruição de casas) e Brasil (perda de terra dos agricultores familiares ou populações nativas), atentos ao fato de que muitas vezes, nestes contextos, as vítimas destes processos não são consideradas como Pessoas Deslocadas Internamente. Acreditamos que as aproximações e diferenciações entre os dois casos podem trazer respostas comuns e sua análise pode servir a um maior entendimento sobre os fenômenos migratórios, fragilidade institucional, atuação da Sociedade Civil Organizada (SCO), além da revisão de conceitos. Pode ainda servir para uma revisão crítica da legislação e da possibilidade de institucionalização de órgãos transnacionais de proteção.

A lei aplicável ao processo de arbitragem internacional

This paper is the author’s Master’s Thesis. It aims to study the content of lexarbitri, i.e. the relevant law regarding international arbitration. Under both Portuguese law and UNCITRAL model law, the seat’s legal provisions shall be applied at all times. Contrarily, French and Swiss legislations allow parties and arbitrators to apply any arbitration law to international arbitration, whether the seat law or a foreign arbitration law. There is not a sole understanding towards the criteria to determine the legal provisions that shall govern international arbitration. Traditionally, the lexarbitri would correspond to the arbitration law of the seat of the arbitration. The territorialist criteria remains in force under the majority of arbitration laws that the author has consulted. However, it has been criticized by several authorities in international arbitration, who suggest that the arbitration shall be governed by the law of the seat or of the place in which the award is to be enforcement, whichever better grants its enforcement – the cumulative doctrine; or the arbitration shall be governed by a set of provisions that make up the autonomous transnational legal, regardless of the legal provisions of the law of the seat – the transnational doctrine. The author intends to debate the three mentioned understandings regarding the lexarbitriand further explains why the territorialist criteria is the most adequate to the characteristics and demands of international arbitration, to the governing instruments in force and to the need for a useful award.

On and off air: an ethnographic exploration of minority radio in Portugal

Taking a Media Anthropology’s approach to dynamics of mediated selfrepresentation in migratory contexts, this thesis starts by mapping radio initiatives produced by, for and/or with migrants in Portugal. To further explore dynamics of support of initial settlement in the country, community-making, cultural reproduction, and transnational connectivity - found both in the mapping stage and the minority media literature (e.g. Kosnick, 2007; Rigoni & Saitta, 2012; Silverstone & Georgiou, 2005) - a case study was selected: the station awarded with the first bilingual license in Portugal. The station in question caters largely to the British population presenting themselves as “expats” and residing in the Algarve. The ethnographic strategy to research it consisted of “following the radio” (Marcus, 1995) beyond the station and into the events and establishments it announces on air, so as to relate production and consumption realms. The leading research question asks how does locally produced radio play into “expats” processes of management of cultural identity – and what are the specificities of its role? Drawing on conceptualizations of lifestyle migration (Benson & O’Reilly, 2009), production of locality (Appadurai 1996) and the public sphere (Butsch, 2007; Calhoun & et al, 1992; Dahlgren, 2006), this thesis contributes to valuing radio as a productive gateway to research migrants’ construction of belonging, to inscribe a counterpoint in the field of minority media, and to debate conceptualizations of migratory categories and flows. Specifically, this thesis argues that the station fulfills similar roles to other minority radio initiatives but in ways that are specific to the population being catered to. Namely, unlike other minority stations, radio facilitates the process of transitioning between categories along on a continuum linking tourists and migrants. It also reflects and participates in strategies of reterritorialization that rest on functional and partial modes of incorporation. While contributing to sustain a translocality (Appadurai, 1996) it indexes and fosters a stance of connection that is symbolically and materially connected to the UK and other “neighborhoods” but is, simultaneously, oriented to engaging with the Algarve as “home”. Yet, besides reifying a British cultural identity, radio’s oral, repetitive and ephemeral discourse particularly trivializes the reproduction of an ambivalent stance of connection with place that is shared by other “expats”. This dynamic is related to migratory projects driven by social imaginaries fostered by international media that stimulate the search for idealized ways of living, which the radio associates with the Algarve. While recurrently localizing and validating the narrative projecting an idealized “good life”, radio amplifies dynamics among migrants that seem to reaffirm the migratory move as a good choice.

Overcoming the “European Paradox”: The role of Regional Innovation Systems (RIS) in translating R&D investments into economic and employment growth

The emergence of the so-called “European Paradox” shows that R&D investment is not maximally effective and that increasing the scale of public R&D expenditures is not sufficient to generate employment and sustained economic growth. Increasing Governmental R&D Investment is far from being a “panacea” for stagnant growth. It is worth noting that Government R&D Investment does not have a statistically significant impact on employment, indicating the need to assess the trade-offs of policies that could lead to significant increases in government expenditure. Surprisingly, Governmental R&D Employment does not contribute to “mass-market” employment, despite its quite important role in reducing Youth-Unemployment. Despite the negative side-effects of Governmental R&D Employment on both GVA and GDP, University R&D Employment appears to have a quite important role in reducing Unemployment, especially Youth-Unemployment, while it also does not have a downside in terms of economic growth. Technological Capacity enhancement is the most effective instrument for reducing Unemployment and is a policy without any downside regarding sustainable economical development. In terms of wider policy implications, the results reinforce the idea that European Commission Research and Innovation policies must be restructured, shifting from a transnational framework to a more localised, measurable and operational approach.

Uma cultura de segurança comum na UE através de um programa de formação europeu para as polícias

This master dissertation is to bring a contribution to the reflection on the need to strengthen cross-border cooperation, among the various entities applying the law with a view to building a European security culture through police training. On this basis, it proposes a reflection on the new security paradigm, focused on the demanding and informed security needs by the citizen due to an increasingly transnational crime throughout the different States. This development, coupled with globalization itself, led to the definition of strategies to gear the work of the police in preventing and combating new criminal phenomena such as the European Internal Security Strategy. However, without a true safety culture, which fosters trust among the various actors and ensures a coordinated and uniform action of the police, it will not be easy to achieve the desired effectiveness in protecting the fundamental rights that underpin European integration. Against this background, attempts to explain that the implementation of a common European training program for the police (LETS) is the way forward, with a view to a more effective security in the Union, based on values that embody a genuine European security culture, coveted by all, based on an idea of governance held at different levels of intervention, European, regional and national levels.

O Ne bis in idem no Espaço de Liberdade, Segurança e Justiça e no Direito Europeu da Concorrência

Ne bis in idem, understood as a procedural guarantee in the EU assumes different features in the AFSJ and in european competition law. Despite having a common origin (being, in both sectors the result of the case law of the same jurisdictional organ) its components are quite distintic in each area of the integration. In the AFSJ, the content of bis and idem are broader and addressed at a larger protection of individuals. Its axiological ground is based on the freedom of movements and human dignity, whereas in european competition law its closely linked to defence rights of legal persons and the concept of criminal punishment of anticompetitive sanctions as interpreted by the ECHR´s jurisprudence. In european competition law, ne bis in idem is limited by the systemic framework of competition law and the need to ensure parallel application of both european and national laws. Nonetheless, the absence of a compulsory mechanism to allocate jurisdiction in the EU (both in the AFSJ and in the field of anti-trust law) demands a common axiological framework. In this context, ne bis in idem must be understood as a defence right based on equity and proportionality. As far as its international dimension is concerned, ne bis in idem also lacks an erga omnes effect and it is not considered to be a rule of ius cogens. Consequently, the model which the ECJ has built regarding the application of the ne bis in idem in transnational and supranational contexts should be replicated by other courts through cross fertilization, in order to internationalize that procedural guarantee and broaden its scope of application.