944 resultados para Tradition chrétienne
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A indústria metalomecânica nacional possui uma larga tradição no fabrico de equipamentos de elevada qualidade nas mais diversas vertentes. Seja em moldes, colunas de geradores de energia eólica, torres de telecomunicações, equipamento para a agropecuária, básculas de camiões ou simplesmente em silos, a indústria metalomecânica portuguesa é reconhecida internacionalmente pela sua competitividade e qualidade. Sectores como o da maquinagem, estampagem e soldadura mantêm viva a economia nacional, exportando produtos e serviços de engenharia que são largamente reconhecidos pelas empresas estrangeiras, tanto na Europa como em África e na América. O sector da construção soldada teve sempre uma forte tradição no nosso país, conhecendo um novo impulso com o fabrico de estruturas metálicas para geradores de energia eólica e torres de telecomunicações. Atualmente esta indústria mantém viva a sua atividade devido a um forte ’know-how’ nesta matéria e a uma qualidade invejável. Apesar do forte ‘know-how’ já existente, esta indústria está constantemente a ser solicitada para novos desafios, passando pela necessidade da aplicação de novos materiais os quais trazem sempre requisitos específicos aos processos, necessitando ser estudados com pormenor. Este estudo baseia-se na necessidade de uma empresa industrial portuguesa precisar de realizar equipamentos em construção soldada com base em aço do tipo Cr-Mo, grau 91, cuja soldadura é tradicionalmente bastante complicada. A realização dos adequados tratamentos ao material, quer antes, quer depois da soldadura, são a garantia de que a qualidade final do produto atinge os níveis exigidos pelos clientes. Assim, o presente estudo, com uma forte componente experimental, permitiu determinar com sucesso quais as melhores condições para o ciclo térmico na soldadura que podem ser aplicadas a esta liga, para que os resultados obtidos possam exibir a qualidade desejada.
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Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Estudos Portugueses
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A Work Project, presented as part of the requirements for the Award of a Masters Degree in Finance from the NOVA – School of Business and Economics
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Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Estudos Norte-Americanos
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The figure and the oeuvre of Carlos Seixas (1704-42) were rediscovered in the 1930s chiefly by the British musicologist Macario Santiago Kastner (1908-92), whose writings and editions raised the attention of international scholars and interpreters for the Portuguese composer. Nevertheless, and in spite of an unusual editorial tradition for Portuguese standards, a critical appraisal of the body of sources of Seixas' keyboard sonatas has never been attempted, to the point of even impeding the knowledge of how many there really are. This article deals briefly with the issues of source situation, authorship attribution and the distinctive characteristics of Seixas' style, offering a preliminary catalogue of the sonatas and a description of four of the manuscript collections containing them, housed at the National Library of Portugal. Textual peculiarities and problems of works surviving in more than one source are examined and the question of text 'banalization' by means of the incorporation of performance practice gestures is also discussed, advancing the hypothesis of the existence of two different traditions for some of the sonatas―one written and one 'oral'―that merge in the texts known to us.
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The aim of this paper is to identify, analyse and question the expressions of humour in O Espreitador do Mundo Novo, a monthly periodical published by José Daniel Rodrigues da Costa throughout 1802. It is a chapter of a PhD thesis in History and Theory of Ideas with the title “Correcting by laughter. Humour in Portuguese periodical press 1797-1834”. Positing humour as a social and cultural phenomenon, it is regarded here in a broad sense, comprehending wit, joke, ridicule, satire, jest, mockery, facetiousness or irony, displayed with recourse to various figures of speech. This interdisciplinary work intends listing and researching the themes and issues of the periodical and its targets, namely the social, age or gender stereotypes and to acknowledge its political stances. Another main purpose of this paper is to assess the role of humour as expressed in the printed periodical as a political and social weapon, criticizing ways (and which ways) and/or fashions, often ridiculing novelty just for being new in order to maintain the statu quo, and to establish in which senses humour was used in the context of late Ancien Régime and early liberalism culture. The humour of O Espreitador has also played a part in framing a public sphere in early nineteenth-century Portugal, as can be seen by the different “stages” and backgrounds where the monthly installments of the periodical take place: squares, coffee houses, fairgrounds, private houses, jailhouses, churches, public promenades, pilgrimages, bullfights, parties, the opera house – each of them a space of sociability and socialization. In this one, as in other periodicals of the time, printed humour stands at the crossroads of politics and culture, in spaces boldly widening before the reader. Albeit, there are quite a few loud silences in O Espreitador: not even the slightest remark to the church, the clergy or the Inquisition, only reverential references to the established order and the powers that be. The periodical criticizes the criticizers; it is against those who are against. The repeated disclaimers are intended not only to protect the author from libel suits or other litigation. They belong to a centuries-old tradition which, as early as the Middle Ages, has set apart escárnio (scorn) from maldizer (slander): José Daniel Rodrigues da Costa distinguishes satire from rebuking vice – a “cheerful criticism” forerunner of the ironic humour which was to become a trademark of Portuguese literature in the second half of the nineteenth century. Targeting those who deviate from the social norm (for example social climbers and older women who marry young men) or the followers of fashion (sometimes specifically “French fashion”), O Espreitador charges at liberal and progressive ideas. It ridicules the ways of the “New World” in order to perpetuate an idealized version of the “Old World”. Notwithstanding two exceptions – it condemns racism and bullfighting –, the humour of O Espreitador is conservative and conformist from a social and political standpoint.
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Mesoamerican cultures had a strong tradition of written and pictorial manuscripts, called the codices. In studies already performed it was found the use of Maya Blue, made from a mixture of indigo and a clay called palygorskite, forming an incredibly stable material where the dye is trapped inside the nanotubes of the clay, after heating. However, a bigger challenge lies in the study of the yellows used, for these civilizations might have used this clay-dye mixture to produce their yellow colorants. As a first step, it was possible to provide identification, by non-invasive methods, of two colorants (a flavonoid and a carotenoid). While the flavonoid absorbed between 368-379 nm, the carotenoid would absorb around 455 nm. A temperature study also conducted allowed to set 140ºC as the desirable temperature to heat the samples without degrading them. FT-IR, conventional Raman and SERS allowed us to understand the existence of a reaction between the dyes and the clays (palygorskite and kaolinite), however it is difficult to understand it in a molecular point of view. As a second step, five species of Mexican dyes were selected on the basis of historical sources. The Maya yellow samples were produced adapting the recipe proposed by Reyes-Valerio, supporting the yellow dyes extracted from the dried plants on the clays, with addition of water, and then heated at 140ºC. It was found that the addition of water in palygorskite would increase the pH, hence deprotonating the molecules having a clear negative effect in the color. A second recipe was developed, without the addition of water; however, it was found that the use of water based binders would still alter the color of the samples with palygorskite. In this case, kaolinite without heating yield better results as a Maya yellow hybrid. It was found that the Maya chemistry might not have been the same for all the colors. The Mesoamericans might have found that different dyes could work better to their desires if matched with different clays. It was noticeable that for a clear distinction between flavonoids and carotenoids the reflectance and emission studies suffice, but when clay is added, Raman techniques will perform better. For this reason, conventional Raman and SERS were employed in order to create a database for the Mesoamerican dyestuffs for a future identification.
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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.
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Double degree
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O projeto MEMORIAMEDIA tem como objetivos o estudo, a inventariação e divulgação de manifestações do património cultural imaterial: expressões orais; práticas performativas; celebrações; o saber-fazer de artes e ofícios e as práticas e conhecimentos relacionados com a natureza e o universo. O MEMORIAMEDIA iniciou em 2006, em pleno debate nacional e internacional das questões do património cultural imaterial. Este livro cruza essas discussões teóricas, metodológicas e técnicas com a caracterização do MEMORIAMEDIA. Os resultados do projeto, organizados num inventário nacional, estão publicados no site www.memoriamedia.net, onde se encontram disponíveis para consulta e partilha. Filomena Sousa é investigadora de pós-doutoramento em antropologia (FCSH/UNL) e doutorada em sociologia (ISCTE-IUL). Membro integrado no Instituto de Estudos de Literatura e Tradição - patrimónios, artes e culturas (IELT) da FCSH/UNL e consultora da Memória Imaterial CRL – organização não-governamental autora e gestora do projeto MEMORIAMEDIA. Desenvolve investigação no âmbito das políticas e instrumentos de identificação, documentação e salvaguarda do património cultural imaterial e realizou vários documentários sobre expressões culturais.
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In this thesis we propose to examine the first half of the Phaedrus (sc. until the end of the palinode) in light of the opposition between the notions of μανία and φρονεῖν, as they are explicitly and implicitly presented in the erotic speeches. These are read in dialogue with what we have designated as the “implicit speech” or “speeches”, i.e., the plurality of conceptions regarding ἔρως, μανία and φρονεῖν that were part of Ancient Greek culture. Our reading of the two speeches against ἔρως, Lysias’ and Socrates’ first speech, engages with this cultural background, and extracts a conception of μανία and φρονεῖν with which the palinode will primarily confront. Our reading of the palinode divides it into two sections: the first, the presentation of the first three kinds of beneficial μανία; the second, the mythical narrative that deals with erotic μανία. We emphasise the existence of a wide gulf between these two moments in terms of their ontological, theological and anthropological conceptions. The second section of the palinode is revolutionary not only in contrast with the “implicit speech” and the speeches against ἔρως, but also in contrast with the very beginning of the palinode – which preserves many of the conceptions and assumptions found in the previous speeches and in the cultural tradition. It is in order to explain the foundation, meaning and significance of this gulf that we explore and discuss the notion of ὑπόθεσις and its role as an implicit operator in the Phaedrus. From our reading of the second part of the palinode, it is clear how the introduction of the ὑπερουράνιος τόπος brings about a radical revision of the perspectives on the nature of reality and on human nature and condition that were implicit in the previous speeches and in the first part of the palinode. We show that the ὑπερουράνιος τόπος corresponds to the projection of a multiplicity of cognitive and desiderative requirements that our normal perspective demands, but cannot possibly satisfy. In other words, our perspective is shown to be living beyond its means, yearning for something that by far exceeds what it can get in its de facto condition: the superlative. This results in a major revision of the understanding of φρονεῖν and μανία – a revision that challenges the traditional understanding of these two notions as binary opposites, thereby revealing a much more complex landscape.
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ABSTRACT - The Portuguese National Health Service (SNS), a universal, centralized and public owned health care system, exhibits an extraordinary record of equalization in the access to health care and health gains in the late thirty years. However, the most recent history of the Portuguese health reform is pervaded by the influence of decentralization and privatization. Decentralization has been present in the system design since the 1976 Constitution, at least in theory. Private ownership of health care suppliers and out-ofpocket expenditures, on the financing side, both have a long tradition of relevance in the NHS mix of services. The initial aim of this study was to demonstrate expected parallelism between health reforms and public administration reforms, where a common pattern of joint decentralization and privatization was observed in many countries. Observers would be tempted to consider these two movements as common signs of new public management (NPM) developments. They have common objectives, are established around the core concepts of gains in effectiveness, efficiency, equity and quality of public services, through improved accountability. However, in practice, in Portugal, each movement was developed in a totally separated way. Besides those rooted in the NPM theory, there are few visible signs of association between decentralization and privatization. Decentralization, in the Portuguese SNS, was never intended to be followed by a privatization movement; it was seen merely as a public administration tool. Private management of health services, as stated in the most recent SNS legislation, was never intended to have decentralization as a condition or as a consequence. Paradoxically, in the Portuguese context, it has led invariably to centralized control. While presented as separate instruments for a common purpose, the association between decentralization and privatization still lacks a convincing demonstration. Many common health care management stereotypes remain to be checked out if we want to look for eventual associations between these two organizational tools.
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O presente estudo incide sobre obras impressas que tomaram como motivo central as «façanhas» de criminosos com referência histórica celebrizados em Portugal na segunda metade do século XIX e inícios de XX e mostra que, enquanto narrativas elaboradas para o grande público, os textos foram não só um reflexo da popularidade prévia dos famigerados transgressores, como também um fator incontornável da sua «lendarização» ao longo de décadas. São as seguintes as figuras dos infratores que protagonizaram as ficções em apreço: José Joaquim de Sousa Reis, ou «o Remexido» (1797-1838), Diogo Alves, ou «o Pancada» (1810-1841), Francisco de Matos Lobo (1814-1842), José Teixeira da Silva, ou «o José do Telhado» (1816-1875), João Victor da Silva Brandão, ou «o João Brandão de Midões» (1825-1880), e Vicente Urbino de Freitas (1859-1913). A tese agora apresentada aborda um corpus textual de características singulares, nunca antes coligido nem estudado. Comprova que os textos sobre as figuras criminosas tiveram uma função iminentemente noticiosa, pedagógico-edificante e política, apropriando-se de relatos orais, adotando procedimentos de atestação da veracidade (transcrição de documentos na primeira pessoa, referenciação cronológica, espacial, geográfica dos eventos, alusão às fontes) e incorporando diversas fontes do conhecimento dos crimes, quer de origem popular (geralmente designadas de «musa popular», «tradição»), quer de caráter erudito e teórico-científico («estudo», «estudo social»). Assim, foram analisadas as condições históricas excecionais nas quais as ficções emergiram: as características específicas do seu universo editorial, a apropriação a um público amplo (o formato de coleção, uso de sinopses e de outros elementos gráficos), as regularidades discursivas das obras (ocorrência de determinados dispositivos de organização textual), os procedimentos narrativos (recurso abundante a paratextos com intuito explicativo e aproximação a modalidades ficcionais conhecidas do público da época) e, ainda, as configurações imagéticas inspiradas nos discursos oficiais (influência de ciências e doutrinas epocais emergentes, como a criminologia, a antropologia criminal, a frenologia, a psiquiatria, a sociologia). Em suma, estas edições produzidas em diversos contextos e por um elenco autoral heterogéneo não só viveram da relação com as edições predecessoras, ao longo de gerações, como recriaram e ampliaram as «façanhas» dos transgressores em função de diversos propósitos e fontes: ampla divulgação dos casos criminais, condenação pública dos infratores, análise médico-científica dos sujeitos culpados, especulação política, pressão sobre o foro judiciário, edificação moral do público leitor. Trata-se, sem dúvida, de produções únicas, que erigiram a comemoração dos facínoras e sucessivamente reinscreveram as suas histórias reais na problemática do homem criminal e na consciência ética do seu tempo.
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As transformações operadas no mundo contemporâneo, em especial no que respeita às estruturas do poder, à sua maior autonomização e diferenciação, tiveram particulares reflexos ao nível dos Parlamentos e das funções que prosseguem. Desde a sua origem, no passado século XIII, à atualidade, grandes acontecimentos, clivagens e factos históricos estão presentes na sua linha evolutiva. A democratização do regime parlamentar e a legitimidade outorgada através de eleições democráticas e concorrenciais são um marco ímpar na sua história. A complexidade das sociedades hodiernas catapultou o Poder Executivo em detrimento do Parlamento, enquanto órgão legislativo por excelência. Tal circunstancialismo levou, não ao proclamado declínio dos Parlamentos, mas a reformas estruturantes. Outras e mais importantes funções seriam prosseguidas. Se as iniciativas legislativas e a definição das políticas públicas passaram a ser quase um exclusivo do Governo, havia que desenvolver e ampliar, por parte dos Parlamentos, os instrumentos de controlo, fiscalização e escrutínio da ação governativa. Entre os clássicos instrumentos de controlo avulta o Inquérito Parlamentar, materializado em Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito, dotadas de poderes especiais para recolha de informação e para investigação. No seu percurso parlamentar, também as Comissões de Inquérito foram sendo alvo de constantes aperfeiçoamentos, de ordem constitucional, legal e regimental. A excessiva partidarização da atividade parlamentar de outrora e sobretudo a confusão entre o governo e o partido que o sustentava a nível parlamentar, o confronto desequilibrado de meios entre as maiorias e as minorias, levaram a um reposicionamento do inquérito parlamentar enquanto garante do direito das minorias. Não sendo expectável que as grandes iniciativas de controlo sejam tomadas pelo partido maioritário, cabe à oposição esse papel. Em Portugal, diminuta era a tradição do instituto do inquérito parlamentar, razão porque foi efémera e sem resultado a sua utilização no tempo da monarquia constitucional. O regime democrático, abraçado com o 25 de abril de 1974, relançou o órgão de soberania Parlamento e estabeleceu prioridades. Até ao amadurecimento da democracia viveram-se tempos mais conturbados mas de grande aprendizagem. O inquérito Parlamentar, a partir da revisão constitucional de 1982, passou conceptualmente a integrar um dos meios mais relevantes da fiscalização política. É, pois, o levantamento exaustivo e a análise das Comissões Parlamentares de Inquérito no Portugal democrático, período de 1976-2015, o objetivo a que nos propomos neste estudo.
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Dissertação de mestrado em Construção e Reabilitação Sustentáveis