Il lascito di Agostino Mitelli ai quadraturisti e ai decoratori del secondo Seicento bolognese attraverso le testimonianze grafiche

Agostino Mitelli (1609-1660) è una figura centrale nella vicenda artistica bolognese. Rinnova profondamente la quadratura, genere in cui opera maggiormente, e diventa il principale riferimento per le generazioni successive. Infatti ha un grande numero di allievi che si fanno interpreti del suo stile e le sue opere continuano ad essere studiate fino a Settecento inoltrato. Nel suo lavoro accorda una grande importanza al mezzo grafico, in cui eccelle e che considera strumento di verifica ed esercizio. Questa predilezione influenza anche i suoi seguaci: dopo la sua morte i suoi disegni diventano molto ricercati e vengono impiegati come repertori di soluzioni di quadratura ed elementi decorativi. Sono essi stessi strumento di studio e infatti ci è pervenuto un grande numero di copie ed esercizi in stile mitelliano. L'analisi sistematica di questo materiale anonimo e poco studiato mi ha permesso di individuare alcune delle personalità di maggiore spicco tra i suoi seguaci, quali Domenico Santi, Giacomo Antonio Mannini e Marc'Antonio Chiarini. Per valutare l'influenza dell'opera di Agostino presso le generazioni successive è centrale anche la produzione calcografica che analizzo a partire dalle quattro serie di elementi di ornato che egli stesso dà alle stampe e che riscuotono molto successo, come provano le numerose ristampe, anche francesi. Dopo la sua morte vengono incise diverse imprese che si riallacciano al suo operato: la prima è quella del figlio Giuseppe Maria Mitelli che pubblica alcuni suoi disegni. Seguono le serie di Santi, Buffagnotti, Mannini, Chiarini e diversi altri che comprendono anche quadratura e veduta e che spesso sono state riassemblate da editori e collezionisti. Anche le fonti affrontano la questione della dipendenza delle successive generazioni dagli stilemi di Agostino Mitelli, oltre a quelle a stampa ho studiato approfonditamente i manoscritti inediti dell'altro figlio di Agostino, Giovanni Mitelli, che forniscono molte nuove notizie.

Formazione e pratica del pensiero orchestrale di Hector Berlioz. Caratteri poetici e strategie del suono

Lo scopo della dissertazione “Formazione e pratica del pensiero orchestrale di Hector Berlioz. Caratteri poetici e strategie del suono” è quello di indagare i tratti essenziali del pensiero di Berlioz in merito all’orchestra riprendendo in considerazione gli elementi della sua educazione giovanile. In particolare, le nozioni ricavate dai suoi insegnanti di composizione Le Sueur e Reicha e dai corsi di medicina brevemente frequentati a Parigi sono indagate con approccio rinnovato, alla luce di nuovi filoni di studio indagati dalla musicologia negli anni più recenti. Sono analizzate anche le recensioni di Berlioz, alla ricerca di elementi che aiutino a comprendere la sua musica con le argomentazioni destinate a quella altrui. È analizzato anche il percorso della trattatistica che da un iniziale approccio di tipo pratico tipico del XVIII secolo, giunge con il trattato di Berlioz a una forte connotazione poetica delle risorse strumentali e orchestrali. Nella seconda parte della dissertazione sono analizzate invece alcune opere di Berlioz e alcune questioni generali concernenti il suo modo di scrivere per l’orchestra, specialmente in relazione ad altri parametri musicali. Nella dissertazione notevole attenzione è data al rapporto fra questioni tecniche e poetiche, proponendo un approccio leggermente rinnovato.

Christoph Graupners Musik zu zeremoniellen Anlässen am Hof der Landgrafen zu Hessen-Darmstadt

Die politische Rolle der Hofmusik in der ersten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts ist im Kontext der repräsentativen Machtmittel innerhalb des höfischen Kräftefeldes verortet. Die höfischen Zeremonielle bildeten nicht nur den Aufführungsrahmen, sondern legten sämtliche Determinanten für die musikalischen Ereignisse fest. Zu den Aufgaben der Hofkapellmeister im kleinen, aber innerhalb des Reiches nicht ganz unbedeutenden und durchaus paradigmatisch stehenden Fürstentum Hessen-Darmstadt gehörten die musikalischen Umrahmungen der fürstlichen Hochzeiten, Trauerfälle, Geburtstage sowie politischer und kirchenpolitischer Anlässe. Christoph Graupner wirkte hier als Hofkapellmeister zwischen 1709 und 1760; bis zu seiner Erblindung im Jahr 1754 schuf er ein umfangreiches Werk, das die Verhältnisse dieser Landgrafschaft in signifikanter Weise spiegelt. Graupners Musiken zu den Festen der Landgrafen umfassten immer Kirchenkantaten für den Gottesdienst, daneben oft auch weltliche Musik zur Unterhaltung der Gäste. Obwohl die – damals hochmoderne und in der Entwicklung begriffenen – Gattung der Kantate bei weitem überwiegt, sind es auch Bühnenwerke, die diese Funktion erfüllten, aber lediglich im ersten Jahrzehnt von Graupners Dienstzeit in Darmstadt aufgeführt wurden. 83 panegyrische Werke (57 geistliche, 24 weltliche Kantaten, 2 Bühnenwerke) konnten als Zeremonialmusiken systemisch in ihrem Aufführungskontext analysiert werden. Dabei ergaben sich etliche neue Erkenntnisse wie Datierungen, Zuordnungen zu Anlässen, auch Funde von bisher als verschollen geltenden Textdrucken. Der Geheimrat Johann Jacob (von) Wieger konnte als mutmaßlicher Textdichter identifiziert werden. Insbesondere ist deutlich geworden, dass der Bedeutungsverlust höfischer Repräsentation am Ende der absolutistischen Epoche wie in anderen Residenzen auch in Darmstadt die Zeremonialmusik tangierte. Für Graupner blieb vor diesem Hintergrund einerseits die ungebrochene Unterordnung unter die hierarchischen Verhältnisse, was die Huldigung als Form der Pflichterfüllung einschloss. Andererseits jedoch zeigten sich latente Distanzierungsversuche: zum einen die Schaffung musikalischer Subtexte in gewissen panegyrischen Werken, zum anderen aber vor allem die Hinwendung zur Kirchenmusik und damit zu einer Religiosität, die nicht nur die Anmahnung der christlichen Tugenden ermöglichte, sondern auch mit dem “Schaffen zur Ehre Gottes” eine persönliche Rechtfertigung jenseits von allem tagespolitischen Geschehen bot.

The Dynamics of the Policies of Ethnic Cleansing in Silesia in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries

Through studying German, Polish and Czech publications on Silesia, Mr. Kamusella found that most of them, instead of trying to objectively analyse the past, are devoted to proving some essential "Germanness", "Polishness" or "Czechness" of this region. He believes that the terminology and thought-patterns of nationalist ideology are so deeply entrenched in the minds of researchers that they do not consider themselves nationalist. However, he notes that, due to the spread of the results of the latest studies on ethnicity/nationalism (by Gellner, Hobsbawm, Smith, Erikson Buillig, amongst others), German publications on Silesia have become quite objective since the 1980s, and the same process (impeded by under funding) has been taking place in Poland and the Czech Republic since 1989. His own research totals some 500 pages, in English, presented on disc. So what are the traps into which historians have been inclined to fall? There is a tendency for them to treat Silesia as an entity which has existed forever, though Mr. Kamusella points out that it emerged as a region only at the beginning of the 11th century. These same historians speak of Poles, Czechs and Germans in Silesia, though Mr. Kamusella found that before the mid-19th century, identification was with an inhabitant's local area, religion or dynasty. In fact, a German national identity started to be forged in Prussian Silesia only during the Liberation War against Napoleon (1813-1815). It was concretised in 1861 in the form of the first Prussian census, when the language a citizen spoke was equated with his/her nationality. A similar census was carried out in Austrian Silesia only in 1881. The censuses forced the Silesians to choose their nationality despite their multiethnic multicultural identities. It was the active promotion of a German identity in Prussian Silesia, and Vienna's uneasy acceptance of the national identities in Austrian Silesia which stimulated the development of Polish national, Moravian ethnic and Upper Silesian ethnic regional identities in Upper Silesia, and Polish national, Czech national, Moravian ethnic and Silesian ethnic identities in Austrian Silesia. While traditional historians speak of the "nationalist struggle" as though it were a permanent characteristic of Silesia, Mr. Kamusella points out that such a struggle only developed in earnest after 1918. What is more, he shows how it has been conveniently forgotten that, besides the national players, there were also significant ethnic movements of Moravians, Upper Silesians, Silesians and the tutejsi (i.e. those who still chose to identify with their locality). At this point Mr. Kamusella moves into the area of linguistics. While traditionally historians have spoken of the conflicts between the three national languages (German, Polish and Czech), Mr Kamusella reminds us that the standardised forms of these languages, which we choose to dub "national", were developed only in the mid-18th century, after 1869 (when Polish became the official language in Galicia), and after the 1870s (when Czech became the official language in Bohemia). As for standard German, it was only widely promoted in Silesia from the mid 19th century onwards. In fact, the majority of the population of Prussian Upper Silesia and Austrian Silesia were bi- or even multilingual. What is more, the "Polish" and "Czech" Silesians spoke were not the standard languages we know today, but a continuum of West-Slavic dialects in the countryside and a continuum of West-Slavic/German creoles in the urbanised areas. Such was the linguistic confusion that, from time to time, some ethnic/regional and Church activists strove to create a distinctive Upper Silesian/Silesian language on the basis of these dialects/creoles, but their efforts were thwarted by the staunch promotion of standard German, and after 1918, of standard Polish and Czech. Still on the subject of language, Mr. Kamusella draws attention to a problem around the issue of place names and personal names. Polish historians use current Polish versions of the Silesian place names, Czechs use current Polish/Czech versions of the place names, and Germans use the German versions which were in use in Silesia up to 1945. Mr. Kamusella attempted to avoid this, as he sees it, nationalist tendency, by using an appropriate version of a place name for a given period and providing its modern counterpart in parentheses. In the case of modern place names he gives the German version in parentheses. As for the name of historical figures, he strove to use the name entered on the birth certificate of the person involved, and by doing so avoid such confusion as, for instance, surrounds the Austrian Silesian pastor L.J. Sherschnik, who in German became Scherschnick, in Polish, Szersznik, and in Czech, Sersnik. Indeed, the prospective Silesian scholar should, Mr. Kamusella suggests, as well as the three languages directly involved in the area itself, know English and French, since many documents and books on the subject have been published in these languages, and even Latin, when dealing in depth with the period before the mid-19th century. Mr. Kamusella divides the policies of ethnic cleansing into two categories. The first he classifies as soft, meaning that policy is confined to the educational system, army, civil service and the church, and the aim is that everyone learn the language of the dominant group. The second is the group of hard policies, which amount to what is popularly labelled as ethnic cleansing. This category of policy aims at the total assimilation and/or physical liquidation of the non-dominant groups non-congruent with the ideal of homogeneity of a given nation-state. Mr. Kamusella found that soft policies were consciously and systematically employed by Prussia/Germany in Prussian Silesia from the 1860s to 1918, whereas in Austrian Silesia, Vienna quite inconsistently dabbled in them from the 1880s to 1917. In the inter-war period, the emergence of the nation-states of Poland and Czechoslovakia led to full employment of the soft policies and partial employment of the hard ones (curbed by the League of Nations minorities protection system) in Czechoslovakian Silesia, German Upper Silesia and the Polish parts of Upper and Austrian Silesia. In 1939-1945, Berlin started consistently using all the "hard" methods to homogenise Polish and Czechoslovakian Silesia which fell, in their entirety, within the Reich's borders. After World War II Czechoslovakia regained its prewar part of Silesia while Poland was given its prewar section plus almost the whole of the prewar German province. Subsequently, with the active involvement and support of the Soviet Union, Warsaw and Prague expelled the majority of Germans from Silesia in 1945-1948 (there were also instances of the Poles expelling Upper Silesian Czechs/Moravians, and of the Czechs expelling Czech Silesian Poles/pro-Polish Silesians). During the period of communist rule, the same two countries carried out a thorough Polonisation and Czechisation of Silesia, submerging this region into a new, non-historically based administrative division. Democratisation in the wake of the fall of communism, and a gradual retreat from the nationalist ideal of the homogeneous nation-state with a view to possible membership of the European Union, caused the abolition of the "hard" policies and phasing out of the "soft" ones. Consequently, limited revivals of various ethnic/national minorities have been observed in Czech and Polish Silesia, whereas Silesian regionalism has become popular in the westernmost part of Silesia which remained part of Germany. Mr. Kamusella believes it is possible that, with the overcoming of the nation-state discourse in European politics, when the expression of multiethnicity and multilingualism has become the cause of the day in Silesia, regionalism will hold sway in this region, uniting its ethnically/nationally variegated population in accordance with the principle of subsidiarity championed by the European Union.

On the variability of return periods of European winter precipitation extremes over the last three centuries

We investigate the changes of extreme European winter (December-February) precipitation back to 1700 and show for various European regions that return periods of extremely wet and dry winters are subject to significant changes both before and after the onset of anthropogenic influences. Generally, winter precipitation has become more extreme. We also examine the spatial pattern of the changes of the extremes covering the last 300 years where data quality is sufficient. Over central and Eastern Europe dry winters occurred more frequently during the 18th and the second part of the 19th century relative to 1951–2000. Dry winters were less frequent during both the 18th and 19th century over the British Isles and the Mediterranean. Wet winters have been less abundant during the last three centuries compared to 1951–2000 except during the early 18th century in central Europe. Although winter precipitation extremes are affected by climate change, no obvious connection of these changes was found to solar, volcanic or anthropogenic forcing. However, physically meaningful interpretation with atmospheric circulation changes was possible.

Late Holocene summer temperatures in the central Andes reconstructed from the sediments of high-elevatin Laguna Chepical, Chile (32° S)

High-resolution reconstructions of climate variability that cover the past millennia are necessary to improve the understanding of natural and anthropogenic climate change across the globe. Although numerous records are available for the mid- and high-latitudes of the Northern Hemisphere, global assessments are still compromised by the scarcity of data from the Southern Hemisphere. This is particularly the case for the tropical and subtropical areas. In addition, high elevation sites in the South American Andes may provide insight into the vertical structure of climate change in the mid-troposphere. This study presents a 3000 yr-long austral summer (November to February) temperature reconstruction derived from the 210Pb- and 14C-dated organic sediments of Laguna Chepical (32°16' S, 70°30' W, 3050 m a.s.l.), a high-elevation glacial lake in the subtropical Andes of central Chile. Scanning reflectance spectroscopy in the visible light range provided the spectral index R570/R630, which reflects the clay mineral content in lake sediments. For the calibration period (AD 1901–2006), the R570/R630 data were regressed against monthly meteorological reanalysis data, showing that this proxy was strongly and significantly correlated with mean summer (NDJF) temperatures (R3 yr = −0.63, padj = 0.01). This calibration model was used to make a quantitative temperature reconstruction back to 1000 BC. The reconstruction (with a model error RMSEPboot of 0.33 °C) shows that the warmest decades of the past 3000 yr occurred during the calibration period. The 19th century (end of the Little Ice Age (LIA)) was cool. The prominent warmth reconstructed for the 18th century, which was also observed in other records from this area, seems systematic for subtropical and southern South America but remains difficult to explain. Except for this warm period, the LIA was generally characterized by cool summers. Back to AD 1400, the results from this study compare remarkably well to low altitude records from the Chilean Central Valley and southern South America. However, the reconstruction from Laguna Chepical does not show a warm Medieval Climate Anomaly during the 12–13th century, which is consistent with records from tropical South America. The Chepical record also indicates substantial cooling prior to 800 BC. This coincides with well-known regional as well as global glacier advances which have been attributed to a grand solar minimum. This study thus provides insight into the climatic drivers and temperature patterns in a region for which currently very few data are available. It also shows that since ca. AD 1400, long-term temperature patterns were generally similar at low and high altitudes in central Chile.

Schul-, Praxis- und habituelles Herrschaftswissen. Bildung ländlicher Eliten mit Blick auf die korporative Selbstverwaltung in der frühmodernen Schweiz (18. und 19. Jahrhundert)

Knowledge taught at schools, everyday skills and practical know-how. The relevancy of formation for local elites and the corporative self-government of Early Modern Switzerland Daniel Schläppi, Bern There were different kinds of rural elites in Early Modern Switzerland. The diverse parts of the country developed in very dissimilar ways politically and economically. Some regions were dominated by traditional types of agriculture. Some territories were ruled by major cities. In some of the rural Cantons like Uri, Schwyz, Unterwalden, Glarus and Zug a political elite took control over generations and practiced a cultural lifestyle comparable to the famous aristocracies in cities like Bern, Basel, Freiburg, Luzern, Solothurn and Zurich. Intense proto-industrialization formed a completely different sort of elite with strong affinities to industry and trade in other regions. Meanwhile the habitants of the valley close-by stayed farmers like their ancestors (like in Appenzell). In the most conservative parts of the country mercenary business played an important role till the very end of the Ancien Regime and even furthermore. In summery the variety of historical circumstances caused heterogeneous elites all over. Such socio-political diversity provoked a variety of educational backgrounds. I an academic understanding of the term we know only little about literacy in local rural elites. But there is strong evidence that a lively culture of reading and story-telling existed. This means that even simple countrymen seem to have been in possession of some books. The organisation and capacity of the school system is subject of controversial discussions among up to date researchers. The state of research makes us suppose that the people designed to political careers learned their essential skills not only in school but also in everyday life or on the job. Based on the fact that every community and countless public corporations managed their affairs by their own it’s evident that the local elite’s key-players had a large repertoire of techniques and skills like writing, calculating, strategic thinking or knowledge of oral tradition, old usage or important rituals. Unfortunately the historical actors left not that many sources that would tell us precisely how knowledge and know-how were transferred in former times. Hardly any private account books or common correspondence have been conserved. But a huge bunch of sources that originate from corporative self-administration shows us that most local elites were well-educated and had the necessary skills anyway. Above all other sources like for instance the «Topographische Beschreibungen» (topographic descriptions) that were initiated by the «Ökonomische Gesellschaft» of Berne since the sixties of the 18th century provide an insight into pre-modern classrooms. More important information on the historical formation-reality can be gained by the autobiography of the famous poor peasant Ulrich Bräker (1735‒1798) or some of the novels by Albert Bitzius (1797‒1854, better known as Jeremias Gotthelf). The pedagogic writings by Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi (1746‒1827) and the influences by his mentors Johann Rudolf Tschiffeli (1716‒1780) or Philipp Emanuel von Fellenberg (1771‒1884) are quite illustrative as well.

The scholarly networks of Albrecht von Haller and the Economic Society of Bern – a multi-level network analysis

Here, by the example of the transfer of cultivated plants in the context of the correspondence networks of Albrecht von Haller and the Economic Society, a multi-level network analysis is suggested. By a multi-level procedure, the chronological dynamics, the social structure, the spatial distribution and the functional networking are analyzed one after the other. These four levels of network analysis do not compete with each other but are mutually supporting. This aims at a deeper understanding of how these networks contributed to an international transfer of knowledge in the 18th century.

Die Sakralisierung des Alpenraums: Kulturelle Interpretationsmuster der rätischen Kapuzinermission (17. und 18. Jh.)

The Capuchins of the Rhaetic Missions had to deal with local forms of catholic piety, which for them were almost as exotic as the religious practices of non-Christian communities in Asia or America. Therefore they regarded it as their task to propagate the true faith among the “schismatic” Catholics from the Grisons. For this purpose, the Capuchins developed a particular pattern of interpretation: They created a sacred territory in which the divine grace can be experienced by the faithful. Hence the missionaries built new churches and chapels, decorated the old ones in baroque style and brought numerous of holy relics from Italy. Thus, they enforced the sacralisation of the alpine space. Recent developments in cultural studies and social sciences make it possible to capture such processes of spacing more precisely. In the course of the “spatial turn”, space is no longer conceived as a physical entity but now is regarded as a human construct. The paper discusses possibilities and limitations of “space” as an analytical category for the study of mission within Catholicism. The sociological concept of space developed by Martina Löw (2001) is used as starting point. This allows the simultaneous consideration of social interactions and cultural contexts in construction of “sacred space”.

Sammlung Ryhiner. Karten, Pläne und Ansichten aus dem 16. bis 19. Jahrhundert

Vierbändiger, gedruckter Katalog zur Kartensammlung Ryhiner. Die Kartensammlung Ryhiner zählt zu den wertvollsten und bedeutendstenden der Welt. Sie umfasst ca. 16'000 Landkarten, Pläne und Ansichten aus dem 16. bis frühen 19. Jahrhundert, wobei die Bestände den ganzen Erdball abdecken. Zusammen mit den 20'000 Manuskriptkarten des Staatsarchivs verfügt Bern damit über ein weltweites geographisches Gedächtnis. Karto-bibliographischer Katalog der Sammlung Ryhiner in vier Bänden mit 1786 Seiten und 16258 Katalognummern (ohne Illustrationen).

Hepeviridae: An expanding family of vertebrate viruses

The hepatitis E virus (HEV) was first identified in 1990, although hepatitis E-like diseases in humans have been recorded for a long time dating back to the 18th century. The HEV genotypes 1–4 have been subsequently detected in human hepatitis E cases with different geographical distribution and different modes of transmission. Genotypes 3 and 4 have been identified in parallel in pigs, wild boars and other animal species and their zoonotic potential has been confirmed. Until 2010, these genotypes along with avian HEV strains infecting chicken were the only known representatives of the family Hepeviridae. Thereafter, additional HEV-related viruses have been detected in wild boars, distinct HEV-like viruses were identified in rats, rabbit, ferret, mink, fox, bats and moose, and a distantly related agent was described from closely related salmonid fish. This review summarizes the characteristics of the so far known HEV-like viruses, their phylogenetic relationship, host association and proposed involvement in diseases. Based on the reviewed knowledge, a suggestion for a new taxonomic grouping scheme of the viruses within the family Hepeviridae is presented.

A regional climate palaeosimulation for Europe in the period 1500–1990 – Part 2: Shortcomings and strengths of models and reconstructions

This study compares gridded European seasonal series of surface air temperature (SAT) and precipitation (PRE) reconstructions with a regional climate simulation over the period 1500–1990. The area is analysed separately for nine subareas that represent the majority of the climate diversity in the European sector. In their spatial structure, an overall good agreement is found between the reconstructed and simulated climate features across Europe, supporting consistency in both products. Systematic biases between both data sets can be explained by a priori known deficiencies in the simulation. Simulations and reconstructions, however, largely differ in the temporal evolution of past climate for European subregions. In particular, the simulated anomalies during the Maunder and Dalton minima show stronger response to changes in the external forcings than recorded in the reconstructions. Although this disagreement is to some extent expected given the prominent role of internal variability in the evolution of regional temperature and precipitation, a certain degree of agreement is a priori expected in variables directly affected by external forcings. In this sense, the inability of the model to reproduce a warm period similar to that recorded for the winters during the first decades of the 18th century in the reconstructions is indicative of fundamental limitations in the simulation that preclude reproducing exceptionally anomalous conditions. Despite these limitations, the simulated climate is a physically consistent data set, which can be used as a benchmark to analyse the consistency and limitations of gridded reconstructions of different variables. A comparison of the leading modes of SAT and PRE variability indicates that reconstructions are too simplistic, especially for precipitation, which is associated with the linear statistical techniques used to generate the reconstructions. The analysis of the co-variability between sea level pressure (SLP) and SAT and PRE in the simulation yields a result which resembles the canonical co-variability recorded in the observations for the 20th century. However, the same analysis for reconstructions exhibits anomalously low correlations, which points towards a lack of dynamical consistency between independent reconstructions.

«Einige Zeit aufs Singen verwendet». Musik als Kernressource dörflicher Kultur am Beispiel des schweizerischen 18. Jahrhunderts

Dealing with popular music in premodern times historical research usually focuses on so called “Volksmusik”. But already in the 18th century researchers were disappointed to find only few traces of imaginary “traditional” music in Switzerland. They unfortunately overlooked that common people kept on with their own stubborn musical culture: Beginning with the Reformation the authorities encouraged the communities to employ schoolmasters who were able to teach music. Their goal was that everybody should be able to participate in liturgical music actively. Over generations even people with no special musical talent adopted their own repertoire of psalms plus techniques of reading music and polyphonic singing. Spontaneous choral singing evolved into a common everyday practice. The most ambitious and brightest teachers even taught instrumental lessons at home on their proper pianos and chamber organs or encouraged the villagers to build new prestigious organs in their churches. The financial burden of such instruments weighted heavily on the communities. Some of them received financial support from the government, albeit unwillingly because it was obvious to the rulers that the villages just wanted to overtop each other. Homemade music was the most important issue in the cultural life of most parishes. Rich communes spent a lot of money to win the best voices on-site for their church choirs. Belonging to an elitists’ singer association paved the way to the farmer-village’s highlevel sociability.

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 19 - Korrespondenzen u.a. mit Alfred Haas (p. I 10, 1-250)

20 Briefe zwischen Alfred Haas und Max Horkheimer, 1935-1941; 2 Briefe von Willy Haas an Max Horkheimer, 1938; 3 Briefe zwischen Virginia Haber und Max Horkheimer, 12.09.1945, August 1945; 7 Briefe zwischen Hugo Hahn und Max Horkheimer, 1942-1946; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an Charles G. Haines, 23.10.1940; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an Hall, 02.07.1939; 2 Briefe zwischen H. Duncan Hall und Max Horkheimer, 04.08.1939, 24.07.1939; 2 Briefe zwsichen Herbert Berkerath und Max Horkheimer, 10.10.1939, 09.10.1939; 23 Briefe zwischen Wolfgang Hallgarten und Max Horkheimer, 1937-1941; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an die American Philosophic Society Philadelphia, 15.04.1940; 2 Briefe zwischen Betty Drury und Max Horkheimer, 29.02.1940, 20.02.1940; 6 Briefe zwischen Nina Almond und Max Horkheimer, 1939; 1 Brief von Ruth E. Hollander an Max Horkheimer, 08.09.1938; 1 Brief von dem Brooklyn College an Wolfgang Hallgarten, 29.04.1938; 4 briefe zwischen dem Brooklyn College und Max Horkheimer, 18.05.1938, 17.05.1938; 2 Briefe zwischen Robert Maynard Hutchins und Max Horkheimer, 02.11.1937, 28.10.1937; 2 Briefe zwsichen Hardt und Max Horkheimer, 01.10.1943; 4 Briefe zwischen Gertrude Hardt und Max Horkheimer, 1947-1948; 4 Briefe zwischen den Harper & Brothers New York und Max Horkheimer, 24.10.1950, 1950; 1 Brief von Friedrich Pollock an Margot von Mendelssohn, 13.09.1950; 1 Brief von Hartoch an Max Horkheimer, 09.06.1937; 4 Briefe zwischen dem Harvard College Cambridge Massachusetts und Max Horkheimer, 1939-1940; 3 Briefe zwischen Felix Hase und Max Horkheimer, 1936, 13.03.1936; 1 Brief von Freda E. Hecht an Max Horkheimer, 01.03.1947; 1 Brief von Ernest S. Hediger an Max Horkheimer, 02.09.1940; 2 Briefe zwischen Agnes Heilbut und Max Horkheimer, 18.07.1938,; 7 Briefe zwischen Eduard Heimann und Max Horkheimer, 1936-1939; 1 Brief von Fritz Hein an Max Horkheimer, 14.06.1949; 2 Briefe zwischen Walter Heinemann und Max Horkheimer, 15.02.1945, 12.03.1945; 2 Briefe zwischen Philipp Heller und Max Horkheimer, 16.09.1944, 09.10.1944; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an Hellmann, 23.03.1939; 4 Briefe zwischen L. E. Hellmann und Max Horkheimer, 1939; 4 Briefe zwischen P. A. Hemerijk und Max Horkheimer, 1936-1937, 03.02.1936; 5 Briefe zwischen Carl G. Hempel und Max Horkheimer, 1939-1941; 1 Lebenslauf von Hans Henning; 1 Brief von Else Henschke an Max Horkheimer, 24.07.1940; 1 Briefe von Isi Hepner an Max Horkheimer, 23.01.1941; 1 Brief von Leo Löwenthal an Isi Hepner, 03.02.1941; 1 Brief von Gertrude E. Herman anMax Horkheimer, 10.12.1949; 1 Brief von Wilhelm G. Hertz an Max Horkheimer, 29.09.1938; 2 Briefe zwischen Wieland Herzfelde und der National City Bank of New York, 28.11.1939, 30.11.1939; 2 Briefe zwischen Karl Hess und Max Horkheimer, 14.08.1935, 25.10.1934; 4 Briefe zwischen Karl Heymann und Max Horkheimer, 1947, 1949; 19 Briefe zwischen Robert Hilb und Max Horkheimer, 1937-1941; 2 Briefe zwischen Joseph Rosenthal und Max Horkheimer, 12.11.1940, 25.10.1940; 2 Briefe zwischen Henry Church und Max Horkheimer, 14.12.1940, 18.12.1940; 1 Brief von Ellen Hilb an Max Horkheimer, 11.03.1938; 1 Brief von Emil Hilb an Max Horkheimer, 15.04.1939; 2 Briefe zwischen Yoshitaro Hirano und Max Horkheimer, 1936, 23.01.1936; 2 Briefe von Max Horkheimer an Hirsch, 1938; 1 Brief von Arnold Hirsch an Max Horkheimer, 14.07.1949; 4 Briefe zwischen Charles Hirsch und Max Horkheimer, 1937, 1938; 2 Briefe von Max Horkheimer an Ernst Hirsch, Oktober 1938; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an Julius Hirsch, 24.02.1942;