971 resultados para journalists


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The development of Crystal Bridges Museum of American Art in Bentonville, Arkansas, by Wal-Mart heiress Alice Walton has prompted diverse coverage from print and online media. This investigation looked at trends in news stories and commentary from 2005-10 to show how the location of a medium affected coverage. Through the author’s own observations and interviews with journalists and other interested parties, several trends emerged. Media outlets outside Arkansas portrayed the museum as trying to plunder the cultural heritage of local communities and relied partly on the museum’s association with Wal-Mart and stereotypes of Arkansas to frame coverage. Arkansas media, faced with limited cooperation from the museum’s public relations apparatus, typically played a cheerleader role, at times overemphasizing the importance of the collection in the art world and showcasing few critical voices in stories about acquisitions and other areas of the museum’s development.

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Scholars have investigated witness to distant suffering (WTDS) almost entirely in visual media. This study examines it in print. This form of reporting will be examined in two publications of the religious left as contrasted with the New York Times. The thesis is that, more than any technology, WTDS consists of the journalist’s moral commitment and narrative skills and the audience’s analytical resources and trust. In the religious journals, liberation theology provides the moral commitment, the writers and editors the narrative skills and trust and the special vision of the newly empowered poor the analytical foundation. In bearing witness to those who have suffered state or guerilla terrorism in El Salvador and Nicaragua during the 1980s, we will investigate a distinction between “worthy” and “unworthy victims.” This last issue has a special ethical and political significance. Media witnessing to the suffering of strangers can help them become known, and so “worthy.” It can help them, and their plight and cause, become better recognized. This is the power of the media.

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No Brasil, iniciativas de Humanização no atendimento em saúde são identificadas desde os anos 1990, mas ganharam vulto por meio do Programa Nacional de Humanização da Assistência Hospitalar (PNHAH), ampliado pela Política Nacional de Humanização (PNH). O objetivo deste artigo é identificar a percepção sobre Humanização por parte de alguns jornalistas que escrevem sobre Saúde em importantes publicações paulistas, e no que se constitui, na opinião deles, um atendimento humanizado. A análise do material coletado foi feita segundo referenciais teóricos da Bioética, sob o enfoque de autores como Pellegrino e Thomasma (Ética das Virtudes e Beneficência) e Beauchamp e Childress (Principialismo). Resultados: Os pesquisados ainda associam a Humanização às primeiras iniciativas de Humanização, vinculadas a assistência ao parto e pré-natal, além do voluntariado, mas desconhecem a existência de uma política estruturada sobre o tema: nenhum sequer mencionou a PNH; consideram o médico como figura essencial à Humanização da assistência e que, portanto, deveria ser virtuoso; e desejam que o atendimento tenha caráter integral (holístico).

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Die vorliegende Studie ist eine internationale vergleichende Journalistenbefragung über ein politisch-historisches Ereignis, das in allen untersuchten Ländern vorkommen. Untersucht werden Journalisten aus der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Taiwan und Südkorea, die in den politischen oder relevanten Ressorts der bedeutenden Medien der jeweiligen Länder tätig sind. Die Themen der Befragung behandeln die Teilung und Wiedervereinigungsprobleme sowie die politisch-ideologischen Hintergründe der Teilung in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, China und Korea. Obwohl alle drei Länder nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg durch die ideologische Auseinandersetzung zwischen Ost und West geteilt wurden, zeichnet die Wahrnehmung dieses Ereignisses durch die Journalisten der drei Länder aufgrund ihrer unterschiedlichen politischen Entwicklungen und Pressetraditionen bemerkbare Unterschiede auf. Die deutschen Journalisten tendieren dazu, die Vorzüge der Bundesrepublik Deutschland gegenüber der damaligen DDR hervorzuheben. Die taiwanesischen Journalisten distanzieren sich wegen der asymmetrischen Teilungsgröße zwischen Taiwan und der Volksrepublik China von der Möglichkeit einer Wiedervereinigung Chinas. Die südkoreanischen Journalisten weisen starken Nationalismus auf und setzen sich am häufigsten für Nordkorea und eine eventuelle Wiedervereinigung der koreanischen Halbinsel ein. Im letzten Teil der Studie wird das Rollenverständnis der Journalisten für die Berichterstattung über die Teilungsprobleme untersucht. Es bestätigt sich, dass die Sichtweise der Journalisten über die Teilung und Wiedervereinigungsprobleme ihres Landes sich auf ihre Berichterstattung über die entsprechenden Themen auswirkt. Diese Ergebnisse stimmen mit der Theorie der „Instrumentellen Aktualisierung“ überein.

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Im Mittelpunkt der Studie "The Sound of Democracy - the Sound of Freedom". Jazzrezeption in Deutschland (1945 - 1963) steht ein Korpus von 16 Oral-History-Interviews mit Zeitzeugen der deutschen Jazzszene. Interviewt wurden Musiker ebenso wie bildende Künstler, Journalisten, Clubbesitzer und Jazzfans, die die Jazzszene in den 1950ern bildeten. Die Interviews werden in einen Kontext zeitgenössischer Quellen gestellt: Zeitschriftenartikel (hauptsächlich aus dem "Jazz Podium" ebenso wie Radiomanuskripte des Bayerischen Rundfunks.rnDie Ausgangsüberlegung ist die Frage, was der Jazz für sein Publikum bedeutete, mit anderen Worten, warum wählte eine studentische, sich selbst als elitär wahrnehmende Schicht aus dem großen Fundus an kulturellen Ausdrucksformen, die nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg aus den USA nach Deutschland strömten, ausgerechnet den Jazz als persönliche Ausdrucksform? Worin bestand seine symbolische Strahlkraft für diese jungen Menschen?rnIn Zusammenhang mit dieser Frage steht die Überlegung: In welchem Maße wurde Jazz als dezidiert amerikanische Ausdrucksform wahrgenommen und welche Amerikabilder wurden durch den Jazz transportiert? Wurde Jazz bewusst als Werkzeug der Besatzer zur demokratischen Umerziehung des deutschen Volkes eingesetzt und wenn ja, in welcher Form, beziehungsweise in welchem Maß? Wie stark war die Symbolleistung und metaphorische Bedeutung des Jazz für das deutsche Publikum und in welchem Zusammenhang steht die Symbolleistung des Jazz mit der Symbolleistung der USA als Besetzungs- bzw. Befreiungsmacht? rn

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La presente tesi ha come scopo quello di individuare alcune problematiche relative all’esercizio e alla limitazione del diritto alla libertà di espressione nel contesto delle attività globali di sorveglianza e controllo delle tecnologie dell’informazione e della comunicazione. Tali attività, poste in essere da parte degli Stati e da parte degli operatori privati, sono favorite dal nebuloso rapporto tra norme di fonte pubblica, privata e informatica, e sono invece osteggiate dal ricorso, collettivo e individuale, alle possibilità offerte dalle tecnologie stesse per la conduzione di attività in anonimato e segretezza. La sorveglianza globale nel contesto delle privatizzazioni si serve del codice e dell’autonomia privata, così come la resistenza digitale ricorre alle competenze informatiche e agli spazi di autonomia d’azione dell’individuo. In questo contesto, la garanzia dell’esistenza e dell’esercizio dei diritti fondamentali dell’individuo, tra tutti il diritto alla libertà di espressione e il diritto alla tutela della riservatezza, passa per l’adozione di tecniche e pratiche di autotutela attraverso l’utilizzo di sistemi di cifratura e comunicazioni anonime. L’individuo, in questo conflitto tecnico e sociale, si trova a dover difendere l’esercizio dei propri diritti e finanche l’adempimento ai propri doveri, quando attinenti a particolari figure professionali o sociali, quali avvocati, operatori di giustizia, giornalisti, o anche semplicemente genitori. In conclusione dell’elaborato si propongono alcune riflessioni sulla formazione della cittadinanza e del mondo professionale, da parte dei giuristi delle nuove tecnologie, all’uso cosciente, consapevole e responsabile delle nuove tecnologie dell’informazione, con lo stimolo ad orientare altresì le proprie attività alla tutela e alla promozione dei diritti umani fondamentali, democratici, costituzionali, civili e sociali.

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This dissertation aims at enhancing the cultural and linguistic skills in Portuguese of the author of this work, as it is a third language. This activity is carried out starting from the analysis and research of topics mentioned in a number of texts within a particular literary work, “Portugal Vale A Pena”. In this work, many Portuguese personalities express their vision on their country and state why Portugal matters. Since these texts have many cultural references, it can be assumed that such work of analysis and research can lead to better linguistic skills as well as a greater knowledge of the Portuguese culture. All of the chosen texts were originally written by journalists. This choice originates from the important service these professionals provide to the public as well as from the special role their work has played in my interpreting studies over the last couple of years. Chapter 1 explains why I chose this dissertation and who are the target users of these texts. Chapter 2 focuses on the role of journalists. A brief history of modern journalism is presented and its functions are analysed. This chapter also includes a section that examines which values make an event newsworthy. Attention is then paid to the evolution of Portuguese journalism, from Salazar's dictatorship until today. Teaching of journalism in Portuguese academia is also presented. Then, a selection of Portuguese-language media is offered. Chapter 3 focuses on some aspects of Portugal, with particular attention to its history. Finally, Chapter 4 presents a selection of texts from the original book. This part provides a biography of the authors, a translation with a comment and a presentation of some of the topics from the texts. To conclude, a glossary with words and expressions from the original text is included and their translations into Italian, Spanish and English are provided.

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References to a “New North” have snowballed across popular media in the past 10 years. By invoking the phrase, scientists, policy analysts, journalists and others draw attention to the collision of global warming and global investment in the Arctic today and project a variety of futures for the region and the planet. While changes are apparent, the trope of a “New North” is not new. Discourses that appraised unfamiliar situations at the top of the world have recurred throughout the twentieth century. They have also accompanied attempts to cajole, conquer, civilize, consume, conserve and capitalize upon the far north. This article examines these politics of the “New North” by critically reading “New North” texts from the North American Arctic between 1910 and 2010. In each case, appeals to novelty drew from evaluations of the historical record and assessments of the Arctic’s shifting position in global affairs. “New North” authors pinpointed the ways science, state power, capital and technology transformed northern landscapes at different moments in time. They also licensed political and corporate influence in the region by delimiting the colonial legacies already apparent there. Given these tendencies, scholars need to approach the most recent iteration of the “New North” carefully without concealing or repeating the most troubling aspects of the Arctic’s past.

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With the United States‘ entry into the Second World War, the word ?censorship? was seen largely as antithetical to, rather than a necessary counterpart to, victory among Americans. People did not want to be censored in their writing, photographs or speech,but it proved to be necessary even before the war began, in order to protect government secrets and the people on the home-front from scenes that were too disturbing. Even before the war had officially begun, there were problems with censorship among journalists and newspapers. The initial response of outrage in reference to censorship in the United States was common among journalists, newspapers, magazines, and radio news; nevertheless, there was a necessity for censorship among Americans, on the home frontand the front lines, and it would be tolerated throughout the war to ensure that enemies of America did not gain access to information that would assist in a defeat of the United States in the Second World War. The research I have conducted has dealt with the censorship of combat photography during World War II, in conjunction with the ethics that were in play at the time that affected the censors. Through exploring the work of three combat photographers — Tony Vaccaro, James R. Stephens and Charles E. Sumners — I wasable to effectively construct an explanatory ethical history of these three men. Research on the censorship and effects it had on the United States brought me to three distinctareas of censorship and ethics that would be explored: (1) the restrictions and limitations enforced by the Office of Censorship, (2) a general overview of war and photography as it influenced the soldiers and their families on the home-front, (3) and the combat photographers and personal and military censorship that influenced their work. Although their work was censored both by the military and the government, these men saw the war in a different light that remained with them long after the battles and war had ceased.Using the narratives of Tony Vaccaro, Charles E. Sumners and James R. Stephens as means for more in depth research, this thesis strives to create lenses through which to view the history and ethics of censorship that shaped combat photography during the Second World War and the images to which we refer as representative of that war today.

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This thesis will cover sports controversies throughout the 20th Century in the context of the media’s newspaper coverage of the events. The 1919 Black Sox Scandal, the debate over American participation in the 1936 Olympics, and Muhammad Ali’s conversion to the Nation of Islam, standing as a notorious public figure, and conscientious objection to the Vietnam War will represent the three sports controversies. The media’s adherence to cultural norms is clear in all three cases. The consistent devotion to the cultural and racial atmosphere of their respective eras was constant and helped to perpetuate accepted, mainstream cultural attitudes. Cultural and racial norms were followed in the coverage of the three discussed controversies. The anti-Semitism and racially intolerant sentiments in America during great waves of immigration in the early 1900s allowed for journalists to freely vilify Jews as corrupters of baseball and the ballplayers who were rumored to have thrown the 1919 World Series. The white ballplayers were supported in the press, who protected their own and blamed outsiders. Jim Crow and the Americanization movement forced African American and Jewish newspapers to limit their journalistic bias on both sides of the debate over American participation in the 1936 Berlin Olympics. The white, mainstream press was void of bias as the spirit of isolationism in America triumphed over journalist’s leanings in the Olympic debate. The racial tension created by the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s created an atmosphere that allowed mainstream journalists to heap endless criticism on Muhammad Ali as he gained fame. By portraying him as a villain of society as both a religious radical and traitor to America, journalists created a common enemy in the minds of white America. In all three cases, a pattern of journalists expressing the state of cultural and racial norms of the era is present and significant.

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The project investigated the presentation of crime in the Lithuanian media and its possible impact on the general public's understanding of crime-related problems in society. Dobryninas concentrated on three main aspects of this problem: the development of the image of crime in the Lithuanian press and television, journalists' principles in presenting crime-related information, and the public attitude to the presentation of crime in the media. A content analysis of national newspapers from the period of 1992-1997 showed not only increasing interest in crime problems, but also the distorted nature of the image of crime in the media. In-depth interviews with Lithuanian journalists demonstrated that they understood their role in presenting crime-related information firstly as providing information oriented to high public demand, although at the same time they did not deny the commercial and entertainment aspects of crime reporting. Readership and audience research illustrated the clear influence of the media on the public understanding of crime problems in society. However, the virtual image of crime did not greatly affect the system of values and beliefs of Lithuanians, nor did it challenge their insistence that problems of crime could and should be managed within the framework of a civil and open society.

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The Third Section was an instrument not so much of oppression as of information, propaganda and education. Under Nicholas I, the press did not represent public opinion, but rather the official point of view. It was intended to shape public opinion rather than to express it and much of the Third Section's activity focused on creating the best possible contacts with journalists and men of letters. The Third Section supervised literary activities by examining works in print and collecting information through its agents. It rewarded those authors whose work was approved by the emperor, it used writers to pursue its goals, especially in order to "direct minds", but acted as a mediator between the tsar, censors and writers, or sometimes as arbiter in conflicts between writers themselves, and it also acted as a censor. Writers, for their part, served in the Third Section, becoming its agents or consultants, delivering reports to it and writing texts commissioned by the Section. The majority of writers did not see any problems with serving or assisting the Third Section. Ideologies offering an alternative to state monarchism /in professional literature or individual liberalism/ were very weak. The only exception was a small group, mostly composed of eminent and highly educated aristocrats who possessed alternative moral and financial resources. Reitblat showed that the strong ties maintained by some journalists and writers with the Third Section were not unfortunate exceptions due to the low moral qualities of those individuals, but rather a natural phenomenon which reflected the specific nature of the Russian literary system and, more generally, of Russian society as a whole.

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Approaching Switzerland as a “laboratory” for democracy, this Handbook contributes to a refined understanding of the res publica. Over the years, the Handbook of Swiss Politics has established itself as a classic work. This new and extended second edition of the Handbook comprises 32 chapters, all by leading Swiss political scientists. The contributors write about fundamentals, institutions, interest groups, political parties, new social movements, the cantons and municipalities, elections, popular votes, policy processes and public policies. They address several important issues in the current international debates, such as the internationalization of domestic politics, multi-level governance, and the role of metropolitan agglomerations. Nine new chapters enrich this second, completely updated version. The section on public policies has been significantly extended, and covers a dozen of policy domains. Grounded on the latest scientific knowledge, this volume also serves as an indispensable reference for a non-academic audience of decision-makers, diplomats, senior officials and journalists.

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The purpose of this paper is to introduce ideas that have emerged during the course of writing a book on Swedish welfare in the 1990s. The book is the result of many years of writing about two subjects: Swedish drug policy and the Swedish welfare state. The one very specialised, the other, more general. I first became interested in Swedish drug policy on a research visit to Örebro Län in 1986. A social worker showed me a copy of the county's drug policy programme and explained the significance of the 'restrictive line'. I have spent the years since that visit, trying to understand and explain the Swedish goal of a drug-free society (Gould 1988, 1994, 1996b). I only began to write about the welfare state in Sweden in the early 1990s, just as things were beginning to go wrong for the economy (Gould 1993a, 1993b, 1996a, 1999). For the last few years I have intended to write a book on the events covered by the period 1991-1998 - the years of a Bourgeois and a Social Democratic Government -which would bring the two halves of my work together. Material for this study has been accumulated over many years. A number of research visits have been made; large numbers of academics, politicians, civil servants, journalists, unemployed people, social workers and their clients have been interviewed; and extensive use has been made of academic, administrative and public libraries. Since September 1991 I have systematically collected articles from Dagens Nyheter about social services, social insurance, health care, employment, social issues and problems, the economy and politics. The journal Riksdag och Departement (Parliament and Ministry), which summarises a wide range of public documents, has been invaluable. Friends and informal contacts have also given me insights into the Swedish way of life. The new book is based upon all of these experiences. This paper will begin with a brief account of major global social and economic changes that have occurred in the last twenty years. This is intended to provide a background to the more recent changes that have occurred in Swedish society in the last decade. It will be suggested that the changes in Sweden, particularly in the field of welfare, have been less severe than elsewhere and that this is due to political, institutional and cultural resistance. The paper will conclude by arguing that Sweden, as an exemplar of an Apollonian modern society, has had much to fear from the Dionysian characteristics of postmodernity.

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In his most recent publication, Against the Tide: Critics of Digitalisation, Otto Peters brings together some of the most formidable and critical voices and compelling perspectives on the potential hazards of digitalization. The viewpoints presented range from personal, anthropological, and pedagogical to more scientific and technical, and arise from multiple disciplines. Peters has long been a respected scholar in the field of distance education, and while Peters’ earlier work has advocated the affordances of digitalization, this latest book is an abrupt shift to the darker side of digitalization. The assembly of critics Peters has gathered come from around the world and different walks of life: journalists, educators, scientists, philosophers, lawyers, mathematicians, and computer scientists, to name a few. Their one shared bond is a deep-seated belief that digitalization will have a profound and lasting impact on humankind – and not only in positive ways. ...