982 resultados para Reform of State


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This is a comparative statement of condition of state banks in South Carolina as compiled by Louie A. Jacobs, Commissioner of Banking.

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This research activity aims at providing a reliable estimation of particular state variables or parameters concerning the dynamics and performance optimization of a MotoGP-class motorcycle, integrating the classical model-based approach with new methodologies involving artificial intelligence. The first topic of the research focuses on the estimation of the thermal behavior of the MotoGP carbon braking system. Numerical tools are developed to assess the instantaneous surface temperature distribution in the motorcycle's front brake discs. Within this application other important brake parameters are identified using Kalman filters, such as the disc convection coefficient and the power distribution in the disc-pads contact region. Subsequently, a physical model of the brake is built to estimate the instantaneous braking torque. However, the results obtained with this approach are highly limited by the knowledge of the friction coefficient (μ) between the disc rotor and the pads. Since the value of μ is a highly nonlinear function of many variables (namely temperature, pressure and angular velocity of the disc), an analytical model for the friction coefficient estimation appears impractical to establish. To overcome this challenge, an innovative hybrid solution is implemented, combining the benefit of artificial intelligence (AI) with classical model-based approach. Indeed, the disc temperature estimated through the thermal model previously implemented is processed by a machine learning algorithm that outputs the actual value of the friction coefficient thus improving the braking torque computation performed by the physical model of the brake. Finally, the last topic of this research activity regards the development of an AI algorithm to estimate the current sideslip angle of the motorcycle's front tire. While a single-track motorcycle kinematic model and IMU accelerometer signals theoretically enable sideslip calculation, the presence of accelerometer noise leads to a significant drift over time. To address this issue, a long short-term memory (LSTM) network is implemented.

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Mestrado em Auditoria

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In the middle of modern social changes produced by globalization and capitalism, several markets have changed. States have left the direct coordination of these markets (chiefly public utility sector in the form of monopolies), introducing regulation in order to promote competition. These changes have affected natural gas industry by promoting competition as a key factor to the development and the increase of firms in this market. The regulatory reform of natural gas industry ocurred in EUA and Europe Union and it has produced its first results. In Brazilian context, Constitutional Amendment nbr. 09 and Federal Law nbr. 9.478/97 ( Petroleum Law ) opened the natural gas market to a broad range of private economic agents and they finished the monopoly over the industry before managed by Petrobras. The new regulatory framework of Brazilian natural gas industry has designed competition as a central element to the new form of managment of business and contractual relationships of this industry. Among the regulatory instruments, open access regulation in natural gas pipelines is directed to promote competition. The questions arised about its implementation in Brazilian context are studied in the present work, in which it is discussed the constitutional rules and principles are to be applied to the open access regulation within the theme of statal regulation of economy present in constitutional economic order

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Este estudo tem como objetivo central analisar a parceria entre o público e o privado, estabelecida entre as universidades federais e as fundações de apoio privadas (FAP), no gerenciamento de recursos para a instituição apoiada, tendo como caso a relação entre a Universidade Federal do Pará (UFPA) e a Fundação de Amparo e Desenvolvimento da Pesquisa (FADESP), no período de 2004 a 2008, analisadas a partir dos relatórios de prestação de contas e documentos institucionais. Para compreender a realidade como resultado de processos históricos das relações humanas, partiu-se da premissa de que o esgotamento do modelo de gestão das universidades públicas no Brasil, financiadas exclusivamente com recursos do erário, acentuou-se a partir da década de 1990 com a Reforma do Estado no governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Com a materialização das políticas de diminuição de recursos públicos introduziu a perspectiva de busca de vias alternativas de receitas para uma aparente manutenção das instituições públicas por entidades privadas como as FAP, políticas continuadas pelo governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. O estudo apontou que, apesar da introdução da lógica de mercado e da naturalização da parceria com o privado no interior das Instituições Federais de Ensino Superior (IFES), a relação entre público e privado é sustentada, essencialmente, com recursos públicos. Isso se reflete na expansão no número de FAP credenciadas junto às universidades federais, multiplicando-se em mais de 154% nos últimos 10 anos. Das 55 universidades públicas federais do Brasil, apenas cinco não possuem FAP credenciada, e as restantes apresentam 85 FAP gerenciando seus recursos. No caso da FADESP, no gerenciamento de recursos para a UFPA, abstraiu-se que: a) A FADESP atua há mais de 30 anos no interior da universidade e, embora seus relatórios de prestação de conta sejam apresentados de forma pública no conselho superior, isso se deu somente a partir de 2004 pela exigência do Decreto n° 5.204; b) Há ausência de observância da prestação de contas anual estabelecida pelo marco regulatório das FAP e o regimento da UFPA; c) Os Relatórios de Atividades são organizados diferentemente a cada ano, dificultando a compreensão dos mesmos por parte dos conselheiros da UFPA; d) A fundação apresenta no período investigado (2004-2008) um crescimento de 532,1% no volume de recursos gerenciados; e) Do total de recursos gerenciados pela fundação, em 2008, 94% representam recursos captados pela UFPA, especialmente por professores-pesquisadores, evidenciando uma nova identidade para a universidade pública, como produtora de conhecimento para valorização do capital, na qual a FAP é intermediadora dos processos administrativo-financeiros; t) O apoio real prestado pela fundação à UFPA, através da criação do Programa de Apoio (PROAP), é irrisório considerando o superávit da fundação que, em 2008, ultrapassou um milhão de reais; g) A FADESP atua com entendimento equivocado de Desenvolvimento Institucional, associando este como uma forma de prestação de serviço a outras instituições públicas e privadas, o que desvirtua a observância do marco regulatório das FAP e, por conseguinte, a missão institucional da UFPA.

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Energy efficiency improvement has been a key objective of China’s long-term energy policy. In this paper, we derive single-factor technical energy efficiency (abbreviated as energy efficiency) in China from multi-factor efficiency estimated by means of a translog production function and a stochastic frontier model on the basis of panel data on 29 Chinese provinces over the period 2003–2011. We find that average energy efficiency has been increasing over the research period and that the provinces with the highest energy efficiency are at the east coast and the ones with the lowest in the west, with an intermediate corridor in between. In the analysis of the determinants of energy efficiency by means of a spatial Durbin error model both factors in the own province and in first-order neighboring provinces are considered. Per capita income in the own province has a positive effect. Furthermore, foreign direct investment and population density in the own province and in neighboring provinces have positive effects, whereas the share of state-owned enterprises in Gross Provincial Product in the own province and in neighboring provinces has negative effects. From the analysis it follows that inflow of foreign direct investment and reform of state-owned enterprises are important policy handles.

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Before 1982 Mexico's welfare state regime was a limited conservative one that put priority on the social security of organized labor. But following the country's debt crisis in 1982, this regime changed to a hybrid liberal model. The Ernest Zedillo government (1995-2000) in particular pushed ahead with liberal reform of the social security system. This paper examines the characteristics and the policy making of the social security reforms in the 1990s. The results suggest that underlying these reforms was the restructuring of the economy and the need to cope with the cost of this restructuring. The paper also points out that one of the main factors making possible the rapid execution of the reforms were the weakened political clout of the officialist labor unions due to their steady breakdown during the 1990s and the increase in the monopolistic power of the state vis-a-vis the position of labor during the negotiations on social security reforms.

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In this article we argue that the conclusion of the GATT Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture and the subsequent role of the WTO has changed the international context of CAP policy-making. However, comparing the three latest CAP reforms, we demonstrate that pressures on the CAP arising from international trade negotiations cannot alone account for the way in which the EU responds in terms of CAP reform. The institutional setting within which the reform package was determined also played a crucial role. Contrary to conventional wisdom, the CoAM seems to be a more conducive setting than the European Council for undertaking substantial reform of the CAP. We suggest that the choice of institutional setting is influenced by the desire of farm ministers and of heads of state or government to avoid blame for unpopular decisions. When CAP reform is an integral part of a broader package, farm ministers pass the final decision to the European Council and when CAP reform is defined as a separate issue the European Council avoids involvement.

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Land policy in micro-states and the land administration that underpins it is often devised within a legacy framework inherited from a colonial past. Independence has allowed self-determination of the future political direction yet the range, legal framework, institutional structure and administration systems tend to mirror those of ex-colonial powers. Do land policies, administration systems and processes developed to serve large heavily populated countries scale down to serve the requirements of micro-states? The evidence suggests not: many land administration systems in the Caribbean face difficulties due to poor records, unclear title, exploitation of state lands, incomplete or ongoing land reform programmes, irregular or illegal settlement and non-enforced planning regulations. Land matters are typically the responsibility of several government departments and agencies responsible for land titling and registration, cadastral surveying of property interests, physical planning, taxation and financial regulation. Although planning is regarded as a land administration function, organisational responsibility usually rests with local rather than central government in large countries, but in microstates local government may be politically weak, under-resourced or even non-existent. Using a case study approach this paper explores how planning functions are organised in the Caribbean state of St Vincent & the Grenadines in relation to land administration as a whole and compares the arrangement with other independent micro-states in the region.

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There have been three medical malpractice insurance "crises" in the United States over a time spanning roughly the past three decades (Poisson, 2004, p. 759-760). Each crisis is characterized by a number of common features, including rapidly increasing medical malpractice insurance premiums, cancellation of existing insurance policies, and a decreased willingness of insurers to offer or renew medical malpractice insurance policies (Poisson, 2004, p. 759-760). Given the recurrent "crises," many sources argue that medical malpractice insurance coverage has become too expensive a commodity—one that many physicians simply cannot afford (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services [HHS], 2002, p. 1-2; Physician Insurers Association of America [PIAA], 2003, p. 1; Jackiw, 2004, p. 506; Glassman, 2004, p. 417; Padget, 2003, p. 216). ^ The prohibitively high cost of medical liability insurance is said to limit the geographical areas and medical specializations in which physicians are willing to practice. As a result, the high costs of medical liability insurance are ultimately said to affect whether or not people have access to health care services. ^ In an effort to control the medical liability insurance crises—and to preserve or restore peoples' access to health care—every state in the United States has passed "at least some laws designed to reduce medical malpractice premium rates" (GAO, 2003, p.5-6). More recently, however, the United States has witnessed a push to implement federal reform of the medical malpractice tort system. Accordingly, this project focuses on federal medical malpractice tort reform. This project was designed to investigate the following specific question: Do the federal medical malpractice tort reform bills which passed in the House of Representatives between 1995 and 2005 differ in respect to their principle features? To answer this question, the text of the bills, law review articles, and reports from government and private agencies were analyzed. Further, a matrix was compiled to concisely summarize the principle features of the proposed federal medical malpractice tort reform bills. Insight gleaned from this investigation and matrix compilation informs discussion about the potential ramifications of enacting federal medical malpractice tort reform legislation. ^

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Introduction:Today, many countries, regardless of developed or developing, are trying to promote decentralization. According to Manor, as his quoting of Nickson’s argument, decentralization stems from the necessity to strengthen local governments as proxy of civil society to fill the yawning gap between the state and civil society (Manor [1999]: 30). With the end to the Cold War following the collapse of the Soviet Union rendering the cause of the “leadership of the central government to counter communism” meaningless, Manor points out, it has become increasingly difficult to respond flexibly to changes in society under the centralized system. Then, what benefits can be expected from the effectuation of decentralization? Litvack-Ahmad-Bird cited the four points: attainment of allocative efficiency in the face of different local preferences for local public goods; improvement to government competitiveness; realization of good governance; and enhancement of the legitimacy and sustainability of heterogeneous national states (Litvack, Ahmad & Bird [1998]: 5). They all contribute to reducing the economic and social costs of a central government unable to respond to changes in society and enhancing the efficiency of state administration through the delegation of authority to local governments. Why did Indonesia have a go at decentralization? As Maryanov recognizes, reasons for the implementation of decentralization in Indonesia have never been explicitly presented (Maryanov [1958]: 17). But there was strong momentum toward building a democratic state in Indonesia at the time of independence, and as indicated by provisions of Article 18 of the 1945 Constitution, there was the tendency in Indonesia from the beginning to debate decentralization in association with democratization. That said debate about democratization was fairly abstract and the main points are to ease the tensions, quiet the complaints, satisfy the political forces and thus stabilize the process of government (Maryanov [1958]: 26-27).    What triggered decentralization in Indonesia in earnest, of course, was the collapse of the Soeharto regime in May 1998. The Soeharto regime, regarded as the epitome of the centralization of power, became incapable of effectively dealing with problems in administration of the state and development administration. Besides, the post-Soeharto era ofreform (reformasi)” demanded the complete wipeout of the Soeharto image. In contraposition to the centralization of power was decentralization. The Soeharto regime that ruled Indonesia for 32 years was established in 1966 under the banner of “anti-communism.” The end of the Cold War structure in the late 1980s undermined the legitimate reason the centralization of power to counter communism claimed by the Soeharto regime. The factor for decentralization cited by Manor is applicable here.    Decentralization can be interpreted to mean not only the reversal of the centralized system of government due to its inability to respond to changes in society, as Manor points out, but also the participation of local governments in the process of the nation state building through the more positive transfer of power (democratic decentralization) and in the coordinated pursuit with the central government for a new shape of the state. However, it is also true that a variety of problems are gushing out in the process of implementing decentralization in Indonesia.    This paper discusses the relationship between decentralization and the formation of the nation state with the awareness of the problems and issues described above. Section 1 retraces the history of decentralization by examining laws and regulations for local administration and how they were actually implemented or not. Section 2 focuses on the relationships among the central government, local governments, foreign companies and other actors in the play over the distribution of profits from exploitation of natural resources, and examines the process of the ulterior motives of these actors and the amplification of mistrust spawning intense conflicts that, in extreme cases, grew into separation and independence movements. Section 3 considers the merits and demerits at this stage of decentralization implemented since 2001 and shed light on the significance of decentralization in terms of the nation state building. Finally, Section 4 attempts to review decentralization as the “opportunity to learn by doing” for the central and local governments in the process of the nation state building.    In the context of decentralization in Indonesia, deconcentration (dekonsentrasi), decentralization (desentralisasi) and support assignments (tugas pembantuan; medebewind, a Dutch word, was used previously) are defined as follows. Dekonsentrasi means that when the central government puts a local office of its own, or an outpost agency, in charge of implementing its service without delegating the administrative authority over this particular service. The outpost agency carries out the services as instructed by the central government. A head of a local government, when acting for the central government, gets involved in the process of dekonsentrasi. Desentralisasi, meanwhile, occurs when the central government cedes the administrative authority over a particular service to local governments. Under desentralisasi, local governments can undertake the particular service at their own discretion, and the central government, after the delegation of authority, cannot interfere with how local governments handle that service. Tugas pembantuan occur when the central government makes local governments or villages, or local governments make villages, undertake a particular service. In this case, the central government, or local governments, provides funding, equipment and materials necessary, and officials of local governments and villages undertake the service under the supervision and guidance of the central or local governments. Tugas pembantuan are maintained until local governments and villages become capable of undertaking that particular service on their own.

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President Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions have been repeating the pledge to decentralise power in Ukraine and to give local government a greater decision-making role ever since the party appeared on the Ukrainian political scene. The implementation of this reform is crucial both for the economic recovery of Ukraine’s regions and the overall modernisation efforts of the Ukrainian state. At present relations between central government and the regions are regulated by Soviet-era legislation that fails to address the modern-day challenges facing Ukraine. The political elite in the country, including the opposition, appear to have reached consensus on the importance of the decentralisation reform. The first attempts to implement changes in this area were made in the late 1990s, followed by a comprehensive reform programme developed between 2007 and 2009 by Yulia Tymoshenko’s government. In 2012, the Constitutional Assembly under the President of Ukraine appointed a team of experts who drafted a document detailing the reform of local government and the territorial organisation of power1. The document envisages the implementation of what effectively are two major reforms: (1) an administrative-territorial reform, which would help consolidate the fragmented administrative structure, creating larger and more economically self-sufficient administrative units, and (2) local government reform, focusing on creating clearly defined powers for local authorities with a view to securing government funding for specific tasks delegated from central government. Nonetheless, despite these measures, and in spite of the rhetoric coming from President Yanukovych and other members of the Party of Regions, it seems unlikely that the reform will be implemented in the foreseeable future. A series of concrete political decisions taken by the president over the past three years indicate that Yanukovych has not abandoned his plan to build a highly centralised political system. This in turn limits the capacity to govern of local authorities and further restricts the sources of funding for Ukraine’s regions. This apparent resistance to change stems from the fact that by implementing the proposed reforms, the president and his political allies would be forced to relinquish much of their control over the political processes taking place in the country and would have to free up the distribution of budgetary resources between Kyiv and the regions. The implementation of the reform within the specified timeframe (i.e. by 2015) is also unlikely due to the upcoming presidential election and the deteriorating economic situation in Ukraine. Without a comprehensive reform of local government, however, Ukraine will be unable to undertake effective modernisation measures, which are key for the socio-economic development of the country’s regions.

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We compare the Hartz reforms in Germany with three other major labor market activation reforms carried out by center-left governments. Britain and Germany developed radically neoliberal “mandatory” activation policies, whereas in the Netherlands and Ireland radical activation change took a very different “enabling” form. The Irish and German cases were path deviant, the British and Dutch path dependent. We explain why Germany underwent “mandatory” and path deviant activation by focusing on two features of the policy discourse. First, the elite level discourse was “ensilaged” sealing policy formation off from dissenting actors. This is what the British and German cases had in common and the result was reform that identified long term unemployment as social delinquency rather than market failure. Second, although the German policy-making system lacked the “authoritative” features that facilitated reform in the British case, and the Irish policy-making system lacked the “reflexive” mechanisms that facilitated reform in the Dutch case, in both Germany and Ireland the wider legitimating discourses were reshaped by novel institutional vehicles (the Hartz Commission and FÁS) that served to fundamentally alter system-constitutive perceptions about policy. The findings suggest that major reform of welfare-to-work policy may be much more malleable than previously thought.