First record of Trypanosoma sp. (Protozoa: Kinetoplastida) in tuvira (Gymnotus aff. inaequilabiatus) in the Pantanal wetland, Mato Grosso do Sul State, Brazil

O objetivo do presente estudo foi reportar a infecção por Trypanosoma sp. em tuviras (Gymnotus aff. inaequilabiatus) oriundas do Pantanal Sul-mato-grossense, Brasil. Dez peixes provenientes do rio Paraguai, Pantanal Sul-mato-grossense, foram avaliados quanto à presença de hemoflagelados. Tripomastigotas de Trypanosoma sp. foram observados nas extensões sanguíneas de três peixes (30% de prevalência), e algumas formas encontravam-se em divisão. Por meio do exame a fresco e da centrifugação do sangue em capilar de hematócrito como métodos para diagnóstico, a taxa de prevalência foi de 80%. Esse é o primeiro relato de Trypanosoma sp. em tuviras no Brasil.

Identity, ideology, and cinema: Making sense of Japan's foreign and security policies in the 1950s and 2000s

Japan is an important ally of the United States–the world’s third biggest economy, and one of the regional great powers in Asia. Making sense of Japan’s foreign and security policies is crucial for the future of peace and stability in Northeast Asia, where the possible sources of conflict such as territorial disputes or the disputes over Japan’s war legacy issues are observed.^ This dissertation explored Japan’s foreign and security policies based on Japan’s identities and unconscious ideologies. It employed an analysis of selected Japanese films from the late 1940s to the late 1950s, as well as from the late 1990s to the mid-2000s. The analysis demonstrated that Japan’s foreign and security policies could be understood in terms of a broader social narrative that was visible in Japanese popular cultural products, including films and literatures. Narratives of Japanese families from the patriarch’s point of view, for example, had constantly shaped Japan’s foreign and security policies. As a result, the world was ordered hierarchically in the eyes of the Japan Self. In the 1950s, Japan tenaciously constructed close but asymmetrical security relations with the U.S. in which Japan willingly subjugated itself to the U.S. In the 2000s, Japan again constructed close relations with the U.S. by doing its best to support American responses to the 9/11 terrorist attacks by mobilizing Japan’s SDFs in the way Japan had never done in the past.^ The concepts of identity and unconscious ideology are helpful in understanding how Japan’s own understanding of self, of others, and of the world have shaped its own behaviors. These concepts also enable Japan to reevaluate its own behaviors reflexively, which departs from existing alternative approaches. This study provided a critical analytical explanation of the dynamics at work in Japan’s sense of identity, particularly with regard to its foreign and security policies.^

Mercosur: The Common Market of the South: Institutional Reality and Challenges

This flyer promotes a lecture by Raquel Rodriguez on Mercosur, an economic and political agreement among Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay and Venezuela. Rodriguez is a renowned consultant and former Director at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Uruguay. This event was held on August 29,2012 at FIU Modesto A.Maidique Campus, DM163.

Still entrenched in the conflict/cooperation dichotomy? EU–Russia relations and the Ukraine crisis

The article highlights that the traditional conflict/cooperation dichotomy which characterised the dynamic of European Union (EU)–Russia relation during the post-Cold War period has remained stable throughout the Ukraine crisis. It identifies a pattern of continuity rather than change in the main characteristics of the traditional conflict/cooperation dichotomy: the post-Cold War order on the European continent, values and worldviews, perceptions of self and other, and policies towards each other and post-Soviet space. Secondly, in tune with neoclassical realism the article aims to account for the relative persistence of the conflict/cooperation dichotomy. It argues that the dynamic of EU–Russia relations remained rather stable due to the fact that neither the EU nor Russian foreign policy has undergone major transformations (of both power, scope and organisation) that would provide incentive or constrains for a complete overhaul of the conflict/cooperation dichotomy. Moreover, the article claims that the relative stability of world politics since the start of the Ukraine crisis has not given any the EU and Russia incentives – or constrained them – to seek to change the overall dynamic of their relationship.

Book review: The Postwar Legacy of Appeasement: British Foreign Policy since 1945. By R. Gerald Hughes (London: Bloomsbury, 2014), pp. xii +331pp, AU$40.99 (pb).

“Appeaser”; since the Second World War there is perhaps no other label that prime ministers and presidents in the English-speaking world have strived so hard to avoid. It is extraordinary how powerful and long-lasting the term appeasement, the name Neville Chamberlain and the place Munich have been in the discourse of post-war international relations. It is a reflection of the all-powerful historical legacy of the Second World War that these terms still resonate with policy makers and their publics well into the twenty-first century. Such a phenomenon deserves scholarly attention and R. Gerald Hughes has done justice to this topic in his very fine book The Postwar Legacy of Appeasement: British Foreign Policy Since 1945.

Ad majorem dei gloriam- Espace de dieu et domaine des hommes, analyse des missions jesuites du paracuaria (1610 – 1767) a partir de l’archeologie phenomenologique, cas d’étude Nuestra Señora de Loreto (i et ii) et San Ignacio Mini (i et ii)

Méthodologie: Modèle interprétatif de l’archéologie phénoménologique.

The influence of neoconservatism on US foreign policy debates during the Obama administration

Neoconservatism reached its zenith as a school of thought when it became associated with the Iraq War. Although the war was largely considered a failure, it raised the profile of neoconservatism as a school of thought. Many studies were completed which pointed to the influence of prominent members of the George W. Bush administration who were considered to be ideologically neoconservative. When Obama won the presidency in 2008, it was assumed that the influence of neoconservatives, or neoconservatism more broadly, would be over. However, given neoconservatism’s historical foundations and the tenacity of its adherents it seemed important to consider whether this has been the case. Therefore, this thesis set out to answer the question: To what extent have neoconservatives, and neoconservatism more broadly, influenced foreign policy debates during the Obama administration? I argue that neoconservatism has remained not only salient within foreign policy debates, but prominent in these debates, during Obama’s two terms in office. An examination of US foreign policy towards the nuclear crisis in Iran and the Syrian civil war indicates that neoconservatism had a substantive influence on the policy debates and the options considered within them, particularly in Congress. In some instances, neoconservative policy entrepreneurs contributed to legislation. Furthermore, this thesis finds that neoconservatism has been the predominant approach to foreign policy within the Republican Party on the issues of Iran and Syria during the period under review.

Intereses nacionales convergentes en una apuesta colectiva: la alianza del pacífico

Este documento indaga sobre los determinantes que hicieron posible la creación de la Alianza del Pacífico. Para ello, se describen elementos del contexto internacional y regional dentro del cual se gestó la Alianza, y que permitió la convergencia de unos intereses afines entre Chile, Colombia, Perú y México que, determinados por identidades similares, desembocaron en un proyecto colectivo: La Alianza del Pacífico. El argumento principal es que los intereses, las características y las identidades comunes configuraron unas preferencias nacionales que fueron materializadas en la creación de un proyecto de integración económica con características particulares, que sirve de plataforma para la coordinación, la articulación, la inserción y el desarrollo económico de sus miembros.

Las dos caras de la organización del mundial FIFA Brasil 2014: Entre la proyección internacional y las denuncias sociales

El orgullo brasileño estalló en el año 2007, cuando Brasil fue elegido sede del mundial FIFA 2014. Esto se debe a que Brasil en ese momento gozaba de un creciente prestigio internacional por cuenta de su condición de Potencia Emergente, miembro de los BRICS, aspirante a un puesto permanente en el Consejo de Seguridad y contar con la selección de fútbol más exitosa de la historia. No obstante, en su afán por incrementar su visibilidad y proyección internacional acudió al ejercicio del Poder Blando, a través de la Diplomacia Cultural, concretamente se decidió por la Organización de Mega Eventos deportivos, al tiempo que debía enfrentar varios problemas en el ámbito interno (desigualdad, corrupción, pobreza). Así, esta estrategia de aplicación del Poder Blando resultó de cierta manera contraproducente, debido a que la política exterior y su éxito no suele estar disociada de la realidad interna.

Small states and the promotion of their foreign policy agenda in the international scenario: Trinidad and Tobago and the Kyoto Protocol

Este estudio de caso busca identificar los elementos del portafolio de política exterior de Trinidad y Tobago que le permitieron promover exitosamente sus intereses en el Protocolo de Kioto. Al hacer esto, este texto analizará las limitaciones de Trinidad y Tobago en términos de vulnerabilidades de localización, burocracia y recursos. Posteriormente, una revisión del portafolio de política exterior de este Estado ilustrará el uso de estrategias de creación de capacidades y de organización como lo son el contacto con actores institucionales y no gubernamentales, la formación de coaliciones y estrategias argumentativas, entre otras. Finalmente, este artículo concluirá que dichas acciones permitieron la promoción de la agenda de política exterior de Trinidad y Tobago a través de la creación de hojas de ruta y la coordinación de la incertidumbre con el Protocolo de Kioto. Para hacer esto, este trabajo se concentrará en examinar conceptos como vulnerabilidad y priorización, asimismo contrastando diferentes artículos académicos en la materia junto con documentos oficiales de Trinidad y Tobago.

Nitrate in groundwater in a recharge area of Guarany aquifer in Brazil.

The region of Ribeirão Preto City located in São Paulo State, southeastern Brazil, is an important sugarcane, soybean and corn producing area. This region is also an important recharge area (Espraiado) for groundwater of the Guarany aquifer, a water supply source for the city and region. It has an intercontinental extension that comprises areas of eight Brazilian states, as well as significant portions of other South American countries like Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay, with a total area of approximately 1,200,000 Km2. Due to the high permeability of some soils present in this region, the high mobility of the herbicides and fertilizers applied, and being a recharge area, it is important to investigate the potential transport of applied fertilizers to underlying aquifer. The cultivation sugar cane in this area demands the frequent use of nitrogen as fertilizer. This research was conducted to characterize the potential contamination of groundwater with nitrogen in the recharge area of groundwater. Seven groundwater sample points were selected in the Espraiado stream watershed, during the years of 2005 and 2006. Samples were collected during the months of March, July, and December of each year. Three replications were collected at each site. Groundwater was also collected during the same months from county groundwater wells located throughout the city. The following six wells were studied: Central, Palmares, Portinari, Recreio Internacional, São Sebastião, and São José. Nitrate water samples were analyzed by Cadmium Reduction Method. No significant amount of nitrate was found in the recharge, agricultural, area. However, nitrate levels were detected at concentrations higher than the Maximum Concentration Level (MCL) of 10mg/L in downtown, urban, well located away from agricultural sites with no history of fertilizer or nitrogen application.

Approaches to assess climate change effects on plant disease: (1) impacts of rising CO2 in Brazil.

2008

Approaches to assess climate change effects on plant disease: (2) mapping risk in Brazil.

2008

Feasibility assessment of sugarcane expansion in southwest Goiás, Brazil based on the GIS technology.

The current study approaches the sugarcane culture expansion in Southwestern Goiás, especially in Mineiros, Quirinópolis and Rio Verde counties, which represent different times and responses to this process. The current logistics structure and future prospects for sugarcane and its derivatives transportation are studied at national level with emphasis to the aforementioned micro-region. Maps showing land use and land cover in three different years were generated from Landsat TM-5 satellite images and they were used to analyze the dynamics of changes in land use and in land cover. The region is marked by strong and rapid growth in the agricultural sector and its sugar-energy industry has been expanding in recent years, although with different aspects among its counties. Since it is a promising region in this sector, due to the favorable soil and weather conditions to the crop, the region requires more investment and planning in logistics to ensure production flow and to make it stronger within domestic and foreign markets.

Transaction costs in an association of organic farmers in Goiania, Brazil.

This study aimed to analyse the transaction costs of an association of organic farmers located in Goiania, Goias state, Brazil. We analysed the marketing and organisation relations based on data collected at the Association for the Development of Organic Farming in Goias state (ADAO/GO).