989 resultados para Knauss Marine Policy
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In this paper we study the optimal ex-ante merger policy in a model where merger proposals are the result of strategic bargaining among alternative candidates. We allow for firm asymmetries and, in particular, we emphasize the fact that potential synergies generated by a merger may vary substantially depending on the identity of the participating firms. The model demonstrates that, under some circumstances, relatively inefficient mergers may take place. That is, a particular merger may materialize despite the existence of an alternative merger capable of generating higher social surplus and even higher profits. Such bargaining failures have important implications for the ex-ante optimal merger policy. We show that a more stringent policy than the ex-post optimal reduces the scope of these bargaining failures and raises expected social surplus. We use a bargaining model that is flexible, in the sense that its strategic structure does not place any exogenous restriction on the endogenous likelihood of feasible mergers.
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This paper proposes an empirical framework to study the effects of a policy regime change defined as an unpredictable and permanent change in the policy parameters. In particular I show how to make conditional forecast and perform impulse response functions and counterfactual analysis. As an application, the effects of changes in fiscal policy rules in the US are investigated. I find that discretionary fiscal policy has become more countercyclical over the last decades. In absence of such a change, surplus would have been higher, debt lower and output gap more volatile but only until mid 80s. An increase in the degree of counter-cyclicality of fiscal policy has a positive effect on output gap in periods where the level of debt-to-GDP ratio is low and a zero or negative effect when the ratio is high. This explains why a more countercylical stance of the systematic fiscal policy taking place in 2008:II is predicted to be rather ineffective for recovering from the crisis.
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Why does the EU have an ambiguous and inconsistent democracy promotion (DP) policy towards the Mediterranean countries? This paper argues that the EU´s DP is determined by a crucial conflict of interests conceptualised as a stability – democracy dilemma. The EU has been attempting to promote democracy, but without risking the current stability and in connivance with incumbent autocratic regimes. In view of this dilemma, the four main characteristics of the EU´s DP promotion are explored, namely: gradualism, a strong notion of partnership-building, a narrow definition of civil society, and a strong belief in economic liberalisation. A fifth feature, relation of the EU with moderate Islamists, is analysed in the paper as it represents the most striking illustration of its contradictions. The paper concludes by arguing that the definition of a clear DP by the EU that considered engagement with moderate Islamists would represent a major step towards squaring its stability – democracy circle.
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Respiratory syncytial virus (RSV) infection is the leading cause of hospitalisation for respiratory diseases among children under 5 years old. The aim of this study was to analyse RSV seasonality in the five distinct regions of Brazil using time series analysis (wavelet and Fourier series) of the following indicators: monthly positivity of the immunofluorescence reaction for RSV identified by virologic surveillance system, and rate of hospitalisations per bronchiolitis and pneumonia due to RSV in children under 5 years old (codes CID-10 J12.1, J20.5, J21.0 and J21.9). A total of 12,501 samples with 11.6% positivity for RSV (95% confidence interval 11 - 12.2), varying between 7.1 and 21.4% in the five Brazilian regions, was analysed. A strong trend for annual cycles with a stable stationary pattern in the five regions was identified through wavelet analysis of the indicators. The timing of RSV activity by Fourier analysis was similar between the two indicators analysed and showed regional differences. This study reinforces the importance of adjusting the immunisation period for high risk population with the monoclonal antibody palivizumab taking into account regional differences in seasonality of RSV.
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The purpose of the present study is to break down, in a general and summarised way, the concept of the coherence of the European Foreign Policy, in order to analyse its meaning, its scope and its implications. This focus on coherence will be specifically dealt with upon the analysis of the impact of this phenomenon on single institutional framework, as defined by the Treaty on European Union.
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This book addresses the debate on the democratic deficit of European foreign and defence policies. This debate revolves around two dimensions. The first one has to do with the accountability of CFSP institutions. Is the current degree of parliamentary oversight of these policies the most appropriate? Has the disengagement of national parliaments regarding European foreign policy been counterbalanced by giving sufficient powers to the European Parliament? And, regarding the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), are national parliaments effectively controlling it? The second dimension of the debate is related to the wider question of whether the European Parliament is capable of legitimising EU policy outcomes. In the absence of a Europe-wide demos and of a true party system, what interests do Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) represent when dealing with foreign policy issues? Are there transnational cleavages in foreign policy or are they mainly national? Furthermore, is the European Parliament developing a transnational, autonomous stance on foreign policy issues, different from that of the Council or the Commission? The present volume is the result of the 2nd Meeting of the FORNET Working Group on “Evolution and Accountability of CFSP Institutions” organised by the Observatory of European Foreign Policy (Research line of the Institut Universitari d’Estudis Europeus), which took place in Barcelona, the 4 and 5 March 2005.
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We present the study of the geochemical processes associated with the first successful remediation of a marine shore tailings deposit in a coastal desert environment (Bahia de Ite, in the Atacama Desert of Peru). The remediation approach implemented a wetland on top of the oxidized tailings. The site is characterized by a high hydrauliz gradient produced by agricultural irrigation on upstream gravel terraces that pushed river water (similar to 500 mg/L SO(4)) toward the sea and through the tailings deposit. The geochemical and isotopic (delta(2)H(water) and delta(18)O(water), delta(34)S(sulfate) , delta(18)O(sulfate)) approach applied here revealed that evaporite horizons (anhydrite and halite) in the gravel terraces are the source of increased concentrations of SO(4), Cl, and Na up to similar to 1500 mg/L in the springs at the base of the gravel terraces. Deeper groundwater interacting with underlying marine sequences increased the concentrations of SO(4), Cl, and Na up to 6000 mg/L and increased the alkalinity up to 923 mg/L CaCO(3) eq. in the coastal aquifer. These waters infiltrated into the tailings deposit at the shelf-tailings interface. Nonremediated tailings had a low-pH oxidation zone (pH 1-4) with significant accumulations of efflorescent salts (10-20 cm thick) at the surface because of upward capillary transport of metal cations in the arid climate. Remediated tailings were characterized by neutral pH and reducing conditions (pH similar to 7, Eh similar to 100 mV). As a result, most bivalent metals such as Cu, Zn, and Ni had very low concentrations (around 0.01 mg/L or below detection limit) because of reduction and sorption processes. In contrast, these reducing conditions increased the mobility of iron from two sources in this system: (1) The originally Fe(III)-rich oxidation zone, where Fe(II) was reduced during the remediation process and formed an Fe(II) plume, and (2) reductive dissolution of Fe(III) oxides present in the original shelf lithology formed an Fe-Mn plume at 10-m depth. These two Fe-rich plumes were pushed toward the shoreline where more oxidizing and higher pH conditions triggered the precipitation of Fe(HI)hydroxide coatings on silicates. These coatings acted as a filter for the arsenic, which naturally infiltrated with the river water (similar to 500 mu g/L As natural background) into the tailings deposit.
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The principle of equal political representation can be undermined by differences in economic resources among citizens. Poor citizens are likely to hold policy preferences that differ from those of richer citizens. At the same time, their lack of resources can have as a consequence that these preferences are not taken into consideration by their representatives. Focusing on the case of the Swiss Parliament and using survey data on the opinions of citizens and MPs in the 2007-2011 legislature, this study investigates whether the income of citizens systematically affects the proximity of their policy preferences with stances of their representatives. It demonstrates that on economic issues MPs hold preferences that are generally less in favour of the state's intervention in the economy than the median citizen and that relatively poor citizens are less well represented as compared to citizens with high incomes. This remains true when taking into account only the opinions of the most knowledgeable citizens among these groups as well as when the focus is only on those who turned out to vote.
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Petroleum hydrocarbons are common contaminants in marine and freshwater aquatic habitats, often occurring as a result of oil spillage. Rapid and reliable on-site tools for measuring the bioavailable hydrocarbon fractions, i.e., those that are most likely to cause toxic effects or are available for biodegradation, would assist in assessing potential ecological damage and following the progress of cleanup operations. Here we examined the suitability of a set of different rapid bioassays (2-3 h) using bacteria expressing the LuxAB luciferase to measure the presence of short-chain linear alkanes, monoaromatic and polyaromatic compounds, biphenyls, and DNA-damaging agents in seawater after a laboratory-scale oil spill. Five independent spills of 20 mL of NSO-1 crude oil with 2 L of seawater (North Sea or Mediterranean Sea) were carried out in 5 L glass flasks for periods of up to 10 days. Bioassays readily detected ephemeral concentrations of short-chain alkanes and BTEX (i.e., benzene, toluene, ethylbenzene, and xylenes) in the seawater within minutes to hours after the spill, increasing to a maximum of up to 80 muM within 6-24 h, after which they decreased to low or undetectable levels. The strong decrease in short-chain alkanes and BTEX may have been due to their volatilization or biodegradation, which was supported by changes in the microbial community composition. Two- and three-ring PAHs appeared in the seawater phase after 24 h with a concentration up to 1 muM naphthalene equivalents and remained above 0.5 muM for the duration of the experiment. DNA-damage-sensitive bioreporters did not produce any signal with the oil-spilled aqueous-phase samples, whereas bioassays for (hydroxy)biphenyls showed occasional responses. Chemical analysis for alkanes and PAHs in contaminated seawater samples supported the bioassay data, but did not show the typical ephemeral peaks observed with the bioassays. We conclude that bacterium-based bioassays can be a suitable alternative for rapid on-site quantitative measurement of hydrocarbons in seawater.
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Annual Report, Agency Performance Plan
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To what extent do social policy preferences explain party choice? This question has received little attention over the past years, because the bulk of the literature has argued that electoral choice is increasingly shaped by identity-based attitudes, rather than by preferences for economic-distributive social policies. We argue that in the wake of this debate, the significance of social policy preferences for electoral choice has been underestimated, because most contributions neglect social policy debates that are specific to post-industrial societies. In particular, they merely focus on income redistribution, while neglecting distributive conflicts around social investment. The Selects 2011 data allows investigating this crucial distinction for Switzerland. Our empirical analyses confirm that it is pivotal to take the pluridimensionality of distributive conflicts seriously: when looking at preferences for social investment rather than income redistribution, we find that social policy preferences are significant explanatory factors for the choice of the five major Swiss political parties.
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State Agency Audit Report