Lapset, media ja symbolinen vuorovaikutus : Suomalaisten, englantilaisten ja saksalaisten lasten mediasuhteen tarkastelua

Tämän hetken mediaympäristölle on ominaista intensiivisyys ja jatkuva läsnäolo. Medialla on merkittävä rooli myös pienten lasten jokapäiväisessä elämässä, sillä he aloittavat median säännöllisen seuraamisen keskimäärin kolmen vuoden iässä. Mediasisällöt, mediavälineet ja mediaan liittyvät sosiaaliset suhteet muodostavatkin lapsille mediaympäristön, jossa lapset rakentavat identiteettejään, oppivat sosiaalista kanssakäymistä ja kehittävät näkemyksiään yhteiskunnasta ja kulttuurista. Tutkimuksessa on selvitetty 4-6-vuotiaitten suomalaisten, englantilaisten ja saksalaisten lasten audiovisuaalisen median tulkintaa ja median roolia heidän elämässään. Tutkimuksen tavoitteena on ollut syventää tutkimuksellista tietoa median sosiaalisesta ja kulttuurisesta merkityksestä pienten lasten elämässä ja sitä, miten he tulkitsevat mediasisältöä. Tutkimuksessa lasten mediasuhdetta on tarkasteltu välineellisenä, sosiaalisena, symbolisena ja kulttuurisena tulkintaympäristönä. Edellisten lisäksi tutkimuksessa on arvioitu harvemmin viestinnän tutkimuksessa käytetyn symbolisen interaktionismin teorian tarjoamia mahdollisuuksia lasten mediasuhteen tarkasteluun. Suomessa, Englannissa ja Saksassa kootun kansainvälisen aineiston pohjalta on tarkasteltu myös vertailuryhmien välillä olevia mediaan liittyviä kulttuurisia eroja. Eri vertailumaiden melko samankaltaisesta mediaympäristöstä huolimatta tutkimus antaa viitteitä mediatulkinnoissa olevista kulttuurisista eroista. Media mahdollistaa lapsen erilaistan taitojensa kehittymistä ja voi siten muodostaa heille sosiaalisia, symbolisia ja kulttuurisia resursseja, joilla on merkitystä lapsen kehittymisen kannalta. Lapsen ja median suhde on kaksisuuntainen vuorovaikutussuhde ja mediainformaation tulkinnassa ovat mukana lapsen aiemmat tiedolliset ja sosiaaliset kokemukset. Aktiivisessa mediatulkintasuhteessaan lapsi kehittää sanavarastoaan, havainnointiaan, ajatteluaan ja tunne-elämäänsä. Median käyttö sosiaalisena tapahtumana kehittää osaltaan lapsen sosiaalisia valmiuksia. Siten esimerkiksi perheen median käyttöön liittyvät säännöt ja ohjeet ohjaavat perheen sisäistä toimintaa ja määrittävät lapsen asemaa perheessä. Median sisällöt ja niihin liittyvät erilaiset oheistuotteet toimivat osaltaan lapsen kulttuuristen koodistojen ja luokittelujen muodostajana. Tutkimus osoittaa myös symbolisen interaktionismin teorian tarjoavan varsin poikkitieteellisen tutkimuksellisen viitekehyksen lapsia ja mediaa koskevalle tutkimukselle ja mahdollistaa lasten mediasuhteen tutkimisen ja ymmärtämisen useiden, erilaisten tekijöiden suhteena.

Gender, Politics and Democratisation in Cameroon

Gender perceptions, religious belief systems, and political thought have excluded women from politics, for ages, around the world. Combining feminist and modernisation theorists in my theoretical framework, I examine the trends in patriarchal Europe and I highlight the gender-sensitive model of the Nordic countries. Retracing local gender patterns from precolonial to postcolonial eras in sub-Saharan Africa, I explore the links between perceptions, needs, resources, education and women's political participation in Cameroon. Democratisation is supposed to open up political participation, to grant equal opportunities to all adults. One ironic feature of the liberalisation process in Cameroon has been the decrease of women in parliamentarian representation (14% in 1988, 6% in 1992, 5% in 1997 and 10% in 2002). What social, cultural and institutional mechanisms produced this paradoxical outcome, the exclusion of half the population? The gender complementarity of the indigenous context has been lost to male prevalence privileged by education, church, law, employment, economy and politics in the public sphere; most women are marginalised in the private sphere. Nation building and development have failed; ethnicism and individualism are growing. Some hope lies in the growing civil society. From two surveys and 21 focus groups across Cameroon, in 2000 and 2002, some significant results of the processed empirical data reveal low electoral registration (34.5% women and 65.9% men), contrasted by the willingness to run for municipal elections (33.3 % women and 45.2% men). The co-existence of customary and statutory laws, the corrupt political system and fraudulent practices, contribute to the marginalisation of women and men who are interested in politics. A large majority of female respondents consider female politicians more trustworthy and capable than their male counterparts; they even foresee the appointment of a female Prime Minister. The Nordic countries have institutionalised gender equality in their legislation, policies and practices. France has improved women's political inclusion with the parity laws; Rwanda is another model of women's representation, thanks to its post-conflict constitution. From my analysis, Cameroonian institutions, men and more so women, may learn and borrow from these experiences, in order to design and implement a sustainable and gender-balanced democracy. Keywords: democratisation, politics, gender equality, feminism, citizenship, Cameroon, Nordic countries, Finland, France, United Kingdom, quotas, societal social psychology.

Peptide mimics for structural features in proteins. Crystal structures of three heptapeptide helices with a C-terminal 6-->1 hydrogen bond.

The crystal structure determination of three heptapeptides containing alpha-aminoisobutyryl (Aib) residues as a means of helix stabilization provides a high-resolution characterization of 6-->1 hydrogen-bonded conformations, reminiscent of helix-terminating structural features in proteins. The crystal parameters for the three peptides, Boc-Val-Aib-X-Aib-Ala-Aib-Y-OMe, where X and Y are Phe, Leu (I), Leu, Phe (II) and Leu, Leu (III) are: (I) space group P1, Z = 1, a = 9.903 A, b = 10.709 A, c = 11.969 A, alpha = 102.94 degrees, beta = 103.41 degrees, gamma = 92.72 degrees, R = 4.55%; (II) space group P21, Z = 2, a = 10.052 A, b = 17.653 A, c = 13.510 A, beta = 108.45 degrees, R = 4.49%; (III) space group P1, Z = 2 (two independent molecules IIIa and IIIb in the asymmetric unit), a = 10.833 A, b = 13.850 A, c = 16.928 A, alpha = 99.77 degrees, beta = 105.90 degrees, gamma = 90.64 degrees, R = 8.54%. In all cases the helices form 3(10)/alpha-helical (or 3(10)helical) structures, with helical columns formed by head-to-tail hydrogen bonding. The helices assemble in an all-parallel motif in crystals I and III and in an antiparallel motif in II. In the four crystallographically characterized molecules, I, II, IIIa and IIIb, Aib(6) adopts a left-handed helical (hL) conformation with positive phi, psi values, resulting in 6-->1 hydrogen-bond formation between Aib(2) CO and Leu(7)/Phe(7) NH groups. In addition a 4-->1 hydrogen bond is seen between Aib(3) CO and Aib(6) NH groups. This pattern of hydrogen bonding is often observed at the C-terminus of helices proteins, with the terminal pi-type turn being formed by four residues adopting the hRhRhRhL conformation.

Local structure of Sr(2)FeMoxW1-xO(6) double perovskites studied by EXAFS

Sr2FeMoO6 double perovskits display low field MR at a relatively high temperature and unusual ferromagnetic properties. These compounds depicts metal to insulator transition increasing x above x(c) similar to 0.25. A comparative analysis of the near edge regions (XANES) suggests that iron is Fe3+ in the metallic range. Checking the end compounds, we found that the doped samples can be viewn as inhomogeneous distributions of the end compounds. This could help to distinguish between the two scenarios proposed to explain the metal to insulator transition. Moreover, the local atomic structure of Sr2FeMoxW1-xO6 as a function of composition (0 <= x <= 1) has been investigated by Extended X-ray absorption spectroscopy (EXAFS) a the Fe, Mo, Sr K-edges andW L-III-edge.

Humanitaarisuuden varjossa : Poliittiset tekijät lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin sotiemme aikana ja niiden jälkeen

The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

Sireenit, floksit ja iirikset- Puu-Käpylän koristekasvit

Puu-Käpylä (“Wooden Käpylä”), a neighbourhood of Helsinki, is the earliest example of the Garden City Movement in Finland. The suburb of valuable wooden architecture was built between 1920 and 1925, with the aim to provide a healthy housing area for working-class families with many children. The houses were erected by a co-operative (Käpylän kansanasunnot, “People?s Dwellings”) and they are protected by the city plan since 1960?s. However, the historical value of the sheltered courtyards has not been investigated. The aim of this study was to survey the garden flora of Puu-Käpylä and to evaluate the authenticity of the courtyard gardens. The survey covered the area of one residential quarter (1.2 ha) with twelve 2-storey semi-detached timber houses arranged around a common yard, which was originally appointed for the tenants? vegetable gardens. The houses are still rented, and each flat is allowed a small lot of the courtyard for cultivation. A complete list was made of all perennial, ornamental plant taxa present in the quarter. Spring bulbs were missed due to the timing of the survey. Generally, the plants were recorded on species level, with the exception of common lilacs, shrub roses, irises and peonies that were thoroughly studied for cultivar identification. It was assumed that plants initially grown in the courtyard could be distinguished by studying Finnish garden magazines, books and nursery catalogues published in the 1920?s and by comparing the present vegetation to surviving documents from the quarter. The total number of ornamental plant taxa identified was 172, of which 17 were trees, 47 shrubs, 7 climbers and 101 herbaceous perennials. The results indicated that a major part of the shrubs, climbers and perennials presumably originated from the 1970?s or later, whereas ca. 70 % of the tree specimens were deemed as original. The survey disclosed a heritage variety of common lilac, resembling cultivar „Prince Notger?, a specific peony taxon, Paeonia humilis Retz., cultivated in Nordic countries since long ago, and a few historic iris varieties. Well-preserved design elements included front gardens on one side of the quarter, a maple alley on another side as well as trees at the garden gates. Old garden books and magazines did not shed much light on the Finnish garden flora commonly used in the period when Puu-Käpylä was built. However, they gave a valuable picture of contemporary planting design. Nursery catalogues offered insight into the assortment of ornamental plants traded in the 1920?s. Conclusions on the authenticity of the current flora were mainly drawn on the basis of old photographs and a vegetation survey map drawn in the 1970?s. This study revealed a need for standardization of syrvey methods applied when investigating garden floras. Uniform survey techniques would make the results comparable and enable a future compilation of data from e.g. historic gardens.

Studies in sesquiterpenes—XXVI : Synthesis of 2,2,6-trimethyl-3-oxo-1-carbomethoxybicyclo[0,3,3]octane, a degradation product of patchouli alcohol

The synthesis of the title compound is described and results of some experiments on the degradation of patchouli alcohol are reported.

Content of zinc, iron and their absorption inhibitors in Nicaraguan common beans (Phaseolus vulgaris L.).

Protein-energy malnutrition and mineral deficiencies are two of the three forms of nutritional deficiencies that affect most developing countries due to inadequate access to food and diets based on a sole crop. Common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) is the staple crop of Nicaragua and it has the potential to improve the nutritional status of the poorest group of the nation. Its high content of both protein and nonhaem iron provides many nutrients, but inhibitors also may prevent absorption of iron and zinc by the human consumer. A proper production chain must be followed to ensure the best grain quality for the consumer. To achieve food security, both production and high nutritional content must be maintained. Four nationally important accessions of common bean, with different harvesting dates, were selected to be submitted to two treatments: to evaluate the impact of storage conditions on the end quality of the grain. The duration of the study was six months with sampling every six weeks, and the two treatments were controlled one stored at 40°C and 75 RH %, and the other was stored in in-situ conditions. Proximate and mineral composition was evaluated as well as tannin, phytate and bioavailability. Significant differences among different accessions were found, being the most significant in protein, Fe and Zn content, tannins and phytate. Protein values ranged from 21-23%. Iron content was 61-81 mg/kg but only 3-4% was bioavailable. Zinc content was 21-25 mg/kg and 10-12% was bioavailable. The concentration of phytate ranged from 8.6-9.6 mg/g while tannin values ranged within 37.7-43.8 mg/g. Storage at high temperatures was demonstrated to have an impact on certain nutritional compounds and proved detrimental to final grain quality. Soluble sugar content and tannin content decreased after six months in both storage conditions, IDF decreased in the in-situ and SDF in the stress. The iron content and bioavailability in INTA Biofortificado were not as outstanding as expected, so experiments should be conducted to compare its iron uptake and delivery with other cultivars.

A new synthesis of dl-3-methoxy-17β-carboxy-1,3,5(10),6,8-estrapentaene

3-Methyl-4-carboxy-2-(2′-methoxy-6′-naphthyl)cyclopenten-3-acetic acid, prepared from trans methyl 2-methyl-3-carbomethoxycyclopentanon-2-acetate and 2-methoxy-6-lithionaphthalene, on ring closure and catalytic hydrogenation gave dl-3-methoxy-17β-carboxy-1,3,5(10),6,8-estrapentaene.

Taajuushuutokaupan tehokkuus - Toteutuminen Suomen ja Ruotsin 2,6 GHz:n huutokaupoissa

Tutkielmassa arvioidaan taajuushuutokauppojen taloudellista tehokkuutta. Tutkielmassa tarkastellaan erityisesti huutokaupan allokatiivista tehokkuutta ja sen toteutumista kahdessa huutokauppatapauksessa. Työn metodeina on historiallinen tarkastelu taajuushuutokauppojen kehityshistoriasta, toimialatarkastelu teletoimialasta, peliteoreettinen analyysi monen kohteen huutokaupan taloudellisesta tehokkuudesta sekä huutokaupassa asetettujen huutojen suuruuksien sekä määrien analysointi Suomen ja Ruotsin 2,6 GHz:n huutokauppojen osalta. Historiallisen tarkastelun tuloksena esitetään, että huutokaupat ovat taloudellisesti tehokkaampi menetelmä kuin muut taajuusjakomenetelmät: arpajaiset, hallinnollinen arviointi tai ns. ”first come first serve” –menetelmä. Matemaattisen analyysin avulla määritellään tarkasti huutokaupan tehokkuus monen kohteen huutokaupassa ja miten huutokauppamekanismilla voidaan ohjata huutokauppa tehokkaaseen lopputulemaan. 2,6 GHz:n Suomen ja Ruotsin huutokauppojen osalta johtopäätöksinä esitetään, että Ruotsin huutokaupassa todennäköisesti saavutettiin tehokas lopputulema. Suomen huutokaupan osalta esitetään, että huutokaupan taloudelliset mekanismit eivät välttämättä ohjanneet huutokauppaa tehokkaaseen lopputulemaan. Suurimpana syynä Suomen huutokaupan mahdollisesti tehottomaan lopputulemaan voitaneen pitää huutokaupassa ilmennyttä, osittain mekanismista johtunutta, vähäistä kysyntää.