866 resultados para global economic reform


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The recent OECD Principles on Corporate Governance provide a framework for the convergence of global corporate governance practice. This paper considers the implementation of these global ‘best-practice’ standards of governance as part of the continuing post-economic-crisis reform throughout Asia. These initiatives have explicitly acknowledged that no single model of governance can exist, and instead have focused on those elements apparently common and, therefore, applicable to all countries. Notwithstanding the existence of these elements, this paper investigates the difficulties involved when attempting to implement general rules across countries at different stages of economic and legal development. While implementation will be hindered by obvious cultural disparities, long-term change in practice requires a cultural shift in the philosophical and financial bases of the firm.

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From the First World War Australian port administration came under criticism from exporters, shipping companies and the Commonwealth government, all of whom argued that port authorities charges imposed an excessive burden on exporters. They sought the replacement of public port authorities by trusts representative of business interests. The campaign for port administration reform also diverted farmers from criticism of shipping freights and to secure their acquiescence in anti-competitive practices in the shipping industry. The formation of the Australian Overseas Transport Association in 1929 was the culmination of this campaign. Elite conservative political support for such anti-competitive practices reflected a belief that competitive capitalism was inherently unstable. The Scullin Labor of 1929-31 government abandoned Labor's earlier hostility to shipping companies to support cartelisation. Conservative state governments, in a more competitive electoral position than their federal counterparts and under greater financial pressure, deflected business calls for port administration reform. Business groups expected the NSW conservative government elected in 1932 to reform port administration towards a representative model, but the Maritime Services Board established in 1935 merely rationalised existing administrative structures. In the 1980s international economic instability legitimated the project of microeconomic reform, particularly in the maritime sector, but in the interwar period a different balance of capital, labour and the state meant that economic isolationism rather than integration was the policy outcome.

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The 1990s saw considerable structural reform in school education in many Anglophone nation states, marked by trends towards school-based, site-based, self-managing and self-governing schools. This article illustrates through a case study of educational restructuring in Victoria, Australia, how leadership, as a discursive practice, is redefined in the context of spatial and cultural restructuring. Restructuring produced a spatial redistribution of educational provision and individual opportunities as a result of structural adjustment reforms. These same policy moves towards post-welfarism also produced cultural shifts in attitudes to education with the rise of the new instrumentalism and entrepeneurialism. For school principals at the forefront of self managing schools, this meant shifts in resource distribution through new policy mechanisms of managerial and market accountability, and also new priorities impacting on leadership practices with a move from dialogic to decisional modes of management. The question is how recent policy moves towards learning networks and reinventing systematic support with a focus on locational disadvantage are addressing what were increased educational disparities between schools and students. Does this provide scope for more equity-driven leadership practices?

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Arguing that globalization has been conceived of largely in economic terms this article examines the possibility of a global curriculum in the light of Touraine’s assertion that the major global problem is not economic but social: can we live together? I argue that a global curriculum conceived in social terms is possible and that it will involve: (a) the inclusion of currently ‘subjugated knowledges’; (b) the ability to cross cultural boundaries within and between societies; and (c) a commitment to development as freedom. Such a curriculum would be a recognition of the need to rescue society and personality from the ravages of global markets through education.

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The unemployment crisis of 1926-7 focused attention onto the question of immigration. Historians of this period have generally focused on the crisis of public policy and popular antipathies towards foreigners; more recently historians have become attuned to voices of racism. Less attention has been paid to attempts to redress the policy weaknesses through a new legislative regime on immigration. This paper reviews one such proposal, made by Charles Lambert, a deputy from the Rhone, in 1931. Instrumental in a revision of the naturalization law in 1927 to encourage the assimilation of foreigners through the acquisition of French citizenship, Lambert proposed a comprehensive statute on immigration to select “desirable” foreigners and exclude the “undesirables” to promote the assimilation of the “better” elements. The paper argues that his rationale betrays a profound fear of mounting French weakness in the face of economic and demographic decline, and grave anxieties for the future health of the French nation.


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The global obesity pandemic has been well-documented and widely discussed by the public, the media, health officials, the food industry and academic researchers. While the problem is widely recognised, the potential solutions are far less clear. There is only limited evidence to guide decisions as to how best to manage obesity in individuals and in populations. While widely viewed as a clinical and public health problem in developed countries, it is now clear that many developing countries also have to grapple with this problem or face the crippling healthcare costs resulting from obesity-related morbidity. There is also abundant evidence that obesity is socio-economically distributed. In developed countries persons of lower socio-economic position are more likely to be affected, while in developing countries, it is often those of higher socio-economic position who are overweight or obese. The aim of this paper is to briefly review the evidence that links socio-economic position and obesity, to discuss what is known about underlying mechanisms, and to consider the role of social, physical, policy and cultural environments in explaining the relationships between socio-economic position and obesity. We introduce the concept of ‘resilience’ as a potential theoretical construct to guide research efforts aimed at understanding how some socio-economically disadvantaged individuals manage to avoid obesity. We conclude by considering an agenda to guide future research and programs focused on understanding and reducing obesity among those of low socio-economic position.

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Post-colonial movements for independence are voices of autonomy and independence before the onslaught of global organizations and cultures. This paper introduces the second set of themed papers in Gender, Place and Culture (see 13.2) which contains some of these voices, emanating from intensely private as well as communal and street kitchens; where women proclaim their visibility, economic value as food producers and transformers. The essays by Christie on the fiesta kitchens of central Mexico, Schroeder on the community kitchens of Bolivia and Peru, Robson on Islamic kitchens in rural Nigeria, Wardrop on the street vendors of south Durban and Pascali on Italian migrant kitchens in North East America, all acknowledge the vital contexts of 'development', urbanization, migration and industrialization to their stories, while also highlighting powerful elements of resistance and autonomy within the kitchen. As such the Western gaze records not so much the impacts of globalization as its cooking and transformation into something new, a hybrid dish, customized for local consumption.

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Students today are living in a global world There is a need for schools to educate students about this world This world needs to be seen through a range of perspectives - social, cultural, environmental,political, economic and spiritual In order to educate about this 'world', 'new' curriculum policy needs to reflect this globalised world This proposal will give an insight into the curriculum designed to prepare students for the future worlds they are entering with specific reference to Victoria, Australia.

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This article examines the neo-liberal reforms that the Kim government implemented in post-crisis Korea. It argues that by embracing the reforms, the state, paradoxically, re-legitimised itself in the national political economy. The process of enacting the reforms completed the power shift from a collusive state-chaebol alliance towards a new alliance based on a more populist social contract - but one that nonetheless generally conformed to the tenets of neo-liberalism. Kim and his closest associates identified the malpractices of the chaebols as the main cause of the crisis, so reforming the chaebols would be the key to economic recovery. Combining populism and neo-liberalism, they drew on support from both domestic and international sources to rein in, rather than nurture, the chaebols.

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This paper considers the historical factors that have contributed to the pressures for reform in the Australian State of Victoria which proved to be more radical than paths taken by the Commonwealth Government and any other Australian states. As public management in Victoria made tentative steps towards market orientated practices, the inexperienced public officials, together with a mixture of political, economic, administrative and social factors made the government more vulnerable to a perceived need for reform. Australia, like the United Kingdom and New Zealand with which it shares similarities of government structure, commenced the path of reform in a tentative manner with major reforms being implemented by powerful leaders. Powerful reformers were Margaret Thatcher in the United Kingdom, a group of like minded politicians from Treasury in New Zealand and in the Australian State of Victoria, Jeff Kennett. Each capitalised on a sense of crises to move their reform agenda forward at a rapid pace. Victoria is offered as an illustration of how the past provides a means of understanding why Premier Jeff Kennett was able during the 1990's, to implement public sector reform into Victoria in such a dramatic way.

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The impact of microeconomic reform in Australia as indicated by aggregate productivity growth estimates is examined. Aggregate evaluations are few. The Productivity Commission / Australian Bureau of Statistics estimates of ‘market sector MFP’ since the mid 1960s showing recent increasing productivity growth for the Australian economy are examined. ‘Market sector’ series for 62 per cent of the economy are reconstructed for whole economy. The whole economy estimates add support to a spike shown in ‘multifactor’ productivity growth in the 1990s rather than sustained increase with a microeconomic reform as a factor. Simple regression estimates support the point findings and indicate the presence of unknown factors and cyclicality in the estimates.

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Over the past decade, international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have been contesting the neo-liberal economic order in international politics by campaigning for normative conditions to bring about what Richard Falk calls 'humane governance'. However, the degree to which NGOs have contributed to the formation of global social contracts remains controversial. While NGO activists and various scholars advocate the establishment of such contracts, empirical testing of this normative argument is underdeveloped. Drawing upon this lack of empirical support, critics dismiss the global social contract concept and question the roles played by NGOs in international politics. This article addresses the controversy through a review, refinement and application of global social contract theory and an empirical study of two prominent international NGO campaigns directed at the World Trade Organization (WTO), an institution that represents a 'hard test case'. It explores the ways in which NGOs and their networks are challenging the neo-liberal basis of WTO agreements and contributing to the emergence of global social contracts. The article concludes that in some circumstances, NGOs have the capacity to inject social justice into international economic contracts and there is some basis for optimism regarding the formation of global social contracts involving NGOs, nation-states and international organizations.