848 resultados para civil war
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"Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1861 by E. Sachse & Co. in the Clerks Office of the District Court of Maryland."
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Shows fortifications and names of some residents.
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Shows troop positions, batteries, etc. near Dutch gap on the James River.
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Shows local topography, roads, and names of some residents.
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Shows the prison with wooden fence, 18 guard towers, the famous "deadline," the north and south gates, Sweetwater Creek, "Valley of Death," fortification, batteries, and cook house. He depicts overcrowding by a blizzard of tiny dots everywhere, writing the dots stand for "Union soldiers."
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Desde los años 1980 España y Europa importan una parte creciente de sus hidrocarburos de Argelia. Esta situación ha llevado a una interdependencia que puede resultar peligrosa por ambas partes. España no consigue reducir su consumo de hidrocarburos, pero en su esfuerzo por diversificar e independizarse del petróleo ha incrementado significativamente el consumo de gas natural procedente de Argelia. Por su parte este país ha aumentado sus reservar en divisas lo que le ha permitido mejorar extraordinariamente su situación desde la guerra civil de los años 1990 y garantizar a corto plazo el estatus quo social y político. Sin embargo esa misma dependencia de los hidrocarburos le impide resolver los graves problemas estructurales de su juventud y de una economía rentista. Esta comunicación estudia estas dependencias analizando la creciente complejidad del mercado de los hidrocarburos, los esfuerzos españoles por diversificar sus fuentes de abastecimiento y las apuestas de Argelia por continuar suministrando energía primaria.
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Doutoramento em Estudos de Desenvolvimento
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Carmina Virgili was born in Barcelona, on 19 July 1927, and died in her native town, at the age of eighty seven. Her father, Guillem Virgili was Head of the Revenue Office of the Generalitat of Catalonia, during the second Spanish Republic. He displeased the Catholic community when required by the Catholic Church to pay taxes. Her mother, Carme Rodon, was a pharmacist, and a professor in the Agricultural High School. After the Spanish Civil War, due to their political thoughts, both parents were removed from their workplaces. During her childhood and youth, Virgili stood out as a good student. She did her primary and secondary studies in her hometown, and then she completed teacher training in Tarragona. She obtained her degree in Natural History from the University of Barcelona in 1949, where Carmina Virgili 1927-2014
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The main objective of this investigation is the retrieval of the study of possible Surrealism in Federico García Lorcás poetic work, a poet who enjoyed in his time prestige and international fame for decades, and still does. Numerous articles in magazines and newspapers of his time speak of his writings, literary activities and stand as a testimony of how well-regarded he was during his lifetime and even after his tragic murder death at the hands of fascists right after the outbreak of the Spanish civil war back in July 1936. Nevertheless, and for diverse reasons, literary ,social, as well as the extent of the studies, researches and abundant biographies about him, the study of Surrealism in all his works, such as in his playwrights for instance, has not been sufficiently expanded, and has been overlooked by the extensive bibliographies written about him. We have limited the investigation to his poetic works only. The extensive bibliographies written about him, is a fact that hindered and held back our efforts, as we had to resort to resources from different libraries, such as the Faculty of Philology of the UCM General Library, the Faculty of Information Science, the Student Residence, as well as the National Library. In addition to the analysis and commentary of his works, not to mention that current publications on him, various literary magazines and articles from the poet’s time have been consulted as well...
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This thesis has its origin in a previous work: “The Catalan theatrical life in the magazine ‘El Teatre Català’ (1912-1917)” (DEA, UCM, 2004-2005), focused on the history, description and the indexes of that magazine. Among the historical and literary references ordered there, we chose a figure that would make a monographic work resulting in the present Doctoral Thesis. The choice fell on Avel·lí Artís i Balaguer (1881-1954), whose personality and literary corpus, allow additional possibilities for research. The cultural and literary reach of his life and his work covers a whole historical cycle in Catalan culture and literature, which moves from its contemporary consolidation towards the drama of its temporal dislocation, between the Spanish Civil War and the exile experience. This e historical itinerary is represented by Avel·lí Artís i Balaguer, being a playwright and a publisher. He’s been considered a comedy playwright since his editions bear titles such as “comedy”, “pas comedy”, “sainet” “quadro”, “farce” or “dialogue”, at most we find the word “Drama” once and “tragicomedy” twice, and we can find all this, in a series of texts for the representation ranging from 1909 to 1938. Secondly, as a professional fully involved in printing and publishing, thereby covering since its first steps as a compositor in the late nineties of the 19th century until his activity as a crucial character for magazines and other publishing projects, from the first decade of the 20th century until the last year of his Mexican exile...
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Culture, history, and biology are inseparable. Cultural manifestations are necessarily immersed in a context, originate in the embodied minds that create them, and are directed to the embodied minds that receive them and recreate them within their contexts (individual and collective). The novel and the film of historical memory in Spain aim to connect their audiences with a problem that has not been solved, as the Civil War, the postwar, and the pact of forgetfulness left a wide sector of the Spanish society voiceless. During the last few years, a series of initiatives coming from the arts, as well as other realms such as the legal, have sought to reexamine the unhealed wound that still haunts Spanish subjects. La voz dormida [The Sleeping Voice] is one of those initiatives. It begins as testimony, develops into a hybrid and intertextual novel, and later becomes a film. It constitutes an inclusive project, one of offering an alternative version to the “official history”, while incorporating the marginal voices of women that had been left out of the memory of the war and the dictatorship. Objective and Results By examining both the literary and the cinematic versions of Chacón’s work I aimed to evidence the connections that exist between the artistic portrayal of the postwar repression (particularly how it affects women) and the current movement of recovery of historical memory in Spain. Specifically, I was interested in showing how both the novel and the film employ a series of narrative strategies that emphasize the body and intentionality, with the purpose of creating in readers and spectators an empathetic response that may lead to prosocial behavior. In order to carry out this interdisciplinary study, which relates fiction, mind, and socio-historical context, I draw on cognitive theories of literature and film, as well as theories from social and developmental psychology, such as the Richard Gerrig’s theory of narrative experience, Keith Oatley’s psychology of fiction, Suzanne Keen’s theory of narrative empathy, and the empathy-altruism hypothesis, derived form the ideas of Jean Decety, among others...
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Neoconservatism reached its zenith as a school of thought when it became associated with the Iraq War. Although the war was largely considered a failure, it raised the profile of neoconservatism as a school of thought. Many studies were completed which pointed to the influence of prominent members of the George W. Bush administration who were considered to be ideologically neoconservative. When Obama won the presidency in 2008, it was assumed that the influence of neoconservatives, or neoconservatism more broadly, would be over. However, given neoconservatism’s historical foundations and the tenacity of its adherents it seemed important to consider whether this has been the case. Therefore, this thesis set out to answer the question: To what extent have neoconservatives, and neoconservatism more broadly, influenced foreign policy debates during the Obama administration? I argue that neoconservatism has remained not only salient within foreign policy debates, but prominent in these debates, during Obama’s two terms in office. An examination of US foreign policy towards the nuclear crisis in Iran and the Syrian civil war indicates that neoconservatism had a substantive influence on the policy debates and the options considered within them, particularly in Congress. In some instances, neoconservative policy entrepreneurs contributed to legislation. Furthermore, this thesis finds that neoconservatism has been the predominant approach to foreign policy within the Republican Party on the issues of Iran and Syria during the period under review.
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Con el inicio del periodo Post-Guerra Fría el Sistema Internacional comienza a experimentar un incremento en el fortalecimiento de su componente social; la Sociedad de Estados alcanza un mayor nivel de homogenización, el estado, unidad predominante de esta, comienzan atravesar una serie de transformaciones que obedecerán a una serie de cambios y continuidades respecto al periodo anterior. Desde la perspectiva del Realismo Subalterno de las Relaciones Internacionales se destacan el proceso de construcción de estado e inserción al sistema como las variables que determinan el sentimiento de inseguridad experimentado por las elites estatales del Tercer Mundo; procesos que en el contexto de un nuevo y turbulento periodo en el sistema, tomara algunas características particulares que darán un sentido especifico al sentimiento de inseguridad y las acciones a través de las cuales las elites buscan disminuirlo. La dimensión externa del sentimiento de inseguridad, el nuevo papel que toma la resistencia popular como factor determinante del sentimiento de inseguridad y de la cooperación, así como del conflicto, entre los miembros de la Sociedad Internacional, la inserción como promotor de estrategias de construcción de Estado, son alguno de los temas puntuales, que desde la perspectiva subalterna, parecen salir a flote tras el análisis del sistema en lo que se ha considerado como el periodo Post-Guerra Fría. En este sentido Yemen, se muestra como un caso adecuado no solo para poner a prueba las postulados de la teoría subalterna, veinte años después de su obra más prominente (The third world security Predicament), escrita por M. Ayoob, sino como un caso pertinente que permite acercarse más a la comprensión del papel del Tercer Mundo al interior de la Sociedad Internacional de Estados.
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El interés de este estudio de caso es analizar la naturaleza del Estado Islámico y su impacto en la estatalidad y soberanía de Iraq y Siria. Se estudia y explica cómo ha sido la evolución y expansión del Estado Islámico y el impacto que este proceso ha tenido sobre Iraq y Siria generando de esta manera la aparición de una estatalidad paralela a través de la construcción de un aparato institucional por parte del Estado Islámico, lo que contribuye al desarrollo de un “para-estado”. Siguiendo la línea argumentativa, finalmente se demuestra que en la evolución del Estado Islámico se logra crear una forma primitiva de Estado, adquiriendo poco a poco niveles de estatalidad, lo que lleva a que los Estados de Iraq y Siria pierdan atributos de estatalidad y de un Estado soberano.
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Este estudio presenta un análisis exploratorio sobre la correlación entre la fortaleza institucional, las condiciones de paz, y el emprendimiento en una muestra de 23 departamentos en Colombia usando datos de 2014. Para llevar a cabo este objetivo se propusieron y construyeron tres índices siguiendo definiciones conceptuales seminales o estándares de evaluación internacional, a saber: 1) El Índice de Fortaleza Institucional, 2) El Índice de Construcción de Paz (construido a partir del índice de paz negativa y el índice de paz positiva) y 3) El Índice de Emprendimiento Productivo. Los resultados no muestran una correlación significativa entre todos los tres índices. Por un lado, existe una correlación significativa (p<0.05) entre los índices de fortaleza institucional y emprendimiento productivo. Por otro lado, existen correlaciones negativas no significativas entre los índices de paz positiva y fortaleza institucional, emprendimiento productivo y paz positiva y emprendimiento productivo y construcción de paz. En un segundo acercamiento, la población de los departamentos fue la variable con mayor número de correlaciones significativas (p<0.01) entre variables relacionadas con emprendimiento productivo, empleo, producto interno bruto, sofisticación industrial, innovación (patentes) y crimen. Finalmente, se discuten las conclusiones y las futuras investigaciones.