Coping with emotional labour in tennis coaching

A tennis coach works in a social environment, employed in a service based economy with the outcome of client-customer interactions significantly impacting on the consumer experience. Research conducted outside of sport has shown that positive affective displays during interactions, which in a tennis situation may include providing support through displays of warmth, empathy, positivity and compassion as the client attempts to master a new technique, have shown positive associations with customer satisfaction. Hochschild (1983) coined the term ‘emotional labour’ to describe the process of, and demands resulting from adjusting one’s demeanour, language and tone during social encounters in a planned and strategic manner in order to facilitate a positive outcome. Hochschild proposed that individuals in jobs which require a high degree of face-to-face interaction with the public are particularly at risk of experiencing potentially deleterious effects that result from dealing with emotional labour demands on a daily basis. It would appear that tennis coaches work in environments that make them susceptible to experiencing emotional labour and as such the intention of this article is to first introduce the concept and then to provide suggestions for how a coach may cope with these demands.

Technology-related strategies in labour-intensive industries from Southern European Regions: consequences for local employment

Tese dout., Economia, Universidade do Algarve, 2010

Reinventing America on the battlefields of Spain or following the party line: conflicting perceptions of the Spanish Civil War in the present and in the past

Isolationism and neutrality are two of the recurrent themes in the study of the history of the U.S. foreign policy in the interwar years. The trauma of the Great War, which had swept away 130.000 U.S. lives and had cost $30 billion, had led public opinion to strongly oppose any involvement with European affairs. Besides, the urgent need for economic recovery during the dismal years of the Great Depression did not leave Roosevelt much room for manoeuvre to influence international events. His positions regarding the intentions of the Fascist states remained, at best, ambivalent. These facts notwithstanding, about 2800 U.S. citizens crossed the Atlantic and rushed in to help democratic Spain, which was on the verge of becoming one more hostage in the hands of the Fascism. They joined the other British, Irish and Canadian volunteers and formed the XV International Brigade. 900 Americans never returned home. This alone should challenge the commonly held assumption that the American people were indifferent to the rise of the Fascist threat in Europe. But it also begs other questions. Considering the prevailing isolationist mood, what really motivated them? With what discursive elements did these men construct their anti Fascist representations? How far did their understanding of the Spanish democracy correspond to their own American democratic ideal? In what way did their war experience across the Atlantic mould their perception of U.S. politics (both domestic and foreign)? How far did the Spanish Civil War constitute one first step towards the realization that the U.S. might actually be drawn into another international conflict of unpredictable consequences? Last but not the least, what ideological, political and cultural complicity existed between the men from the English-speaking battalions? In order to unearth some of the answers, I intend to examine their letters and see how these men recorded the historical events in which they took part. Their correspondence emerged from the desire to prove their commitment to a common cause and spoke of a common war experience, but each letter, in its uniqueness, ends up mirroring not only the social and political background of each individual fighter, but also his own particular perspective of the war, of world politics and of the Spanish people. We shall see how these letters differ and converge and how these particular accounts weave, as in an epistolary novel, a larger-than-life narrative of outrage and solidarity, despair and hope.

O grande carnaval, visão do jornalismo por Billy Wilder

Ace in the hole /The big Carnival (O Grande Carnaval 1951) foi o primeiro fracasso comercial da carreira de Billy Wilder. A crítica e o público da altura não se encantaram com a história sórdida protagonizada por um jornalista corrupto e imoral. O realizador austríaco tinha no currículo dois filmes premiados com Óscares, The lost weekend (Farrapo Humano 1945) e Sunset Boulevard (Crepúsculo dos Deuses 1950). Arriscou em terreno inexplorado ao invés de procurar a segurança em guiões menos complexos. A questão levanta-se: qual o motivo que levou Billy Wilder a dirigir uma obra inspirada num acontecimento mediático real (o caso Floyd Collins) e dessa forma expôr o que há de pior no jornalismo: o sensacionalismo, o excesso, a manipulação da verdade, a ausência de ética, a sede de lucro? O trabalho a que me propus tenta encontrar uma resposta através da análise do filme, à luz da vida e do cinema de Billy Wilder. Pretendo contar, nas páginas que se seguem, de que forma o cineasta adaptou à tela um caso verídico e qual a visão que deixou às gerações vindouras do jornalismo popular.

O princípio da proteção do trabalhador

Tese de doutoramento, Direito (Ciências Jurídico-Civis), Universidade de Lisboa, Faculdade de Direito, 2014

Da Revolução Bolchevique à ditadura estalinista : opções de ensino-aprendizagem

Relatório da Prática de Ensino Supervisionada, Mestrado em Ensino de História e Geografia no 3º Ciclo do Ensino Básico e no Ensino Secundário, Universidade de Lisboa, 2014

Explaining party cohesion and discipline in democratic legislatures: purposiveness and contexts

Legislative party discipline and cohesion are important phenomena in the study of political systems. Unless assumptions are made that parties are cohesive and act as unified collectivities with reasonably well-defined goals, it is really difficult, if not impossible, to consider their electoral and legislative roles usefully. But levels of legislative party cohesiveness are also important because they provide us with crucial information about how legislatures/ parliaments function and how they interact with executives/governments. Without cohesive (or disciplined) parties,1 government survival in parliamentary systems is threatened because executive and legislative powers are fused while in separated systems presidents' bases of legislative support become less stable. How do we explain varying levels of legislative party cohesion? The first part of this article draws on the purposive literature to explore the benefits and costs to legislators in democratic legislatures of joining and acting collectively and individualistically within political parties. This leads on to a discussion of various conceptual and empirical problems encountered in analysing intra-party cohesion and discipline in democratic legislatures on plenary votes. Finally, the article reviews the extant empirical evidence on how a multiplicity of systemic, party-levels and situational factors supposedly impact cohesion/discipline levels. The article ends with a discussion of the possibilities and limitations of building comparative models of cohesion/discipline.

Os comunistas portugueses no exílio : (1960-1974)

Tese de doutoramento, História (Dinâmicas do Mundo Contemporâneo), Universidade de Lisboa, com a participação do ISCTE- Instituto Universitário de Lisboa, Universidade Católica Portuguesa, Universidade de Évora, 2015