Mögliche Auswirkungen eines Handels- und Investitionsschutzabkommens EU-USA auf die Schweiz

Die gegenwärtigen Bemühungen für ein umfassendes Handels- und Investitionsschutzabkommen zwischen der EU und den USA werden nicht ohne Auswirkungen auf die Schweiz bleiben. Eine Studie des World Trade Institute der Universität Bern im Auftrag des Staatssekretariats für Wirtschaft analysiert die möglichen Auswirkungen eines Abkommens auf die Schweizer Wirtschaft und auf die Handelsbeziehungen der Schweiz. Unterschiedliche Szenarien führen dabei zu unterschiedlichen Auswirkungen.

Prophylaxis of infectious complications with colony-stimulating factors in adult cancer patients undergoing chemotherapy-evidence-based guidelines from the Infectious Diseases Working Party AGIHO of the German Society for Haematology and Medical Oncology (DGHO).

BACKGROUND Current evidence on myelopoietic growth factors is difficult to overview for the practicing haematologist/oncologist. International guidelines are sometimes conflicting, exclude certain patient groups, or cannot directly be applied to the German health system. This guideline by the Infectious Diseases Working Party (AGIHO) of the German Society of Haematology and Medical Oncology (DGHO) gives evidence-based recommendations for the use of G-CSF, pegylated G-CSF, and biosimilars to prevent infectious complications in cancer patients undergoing chemotherapy, including those with haematological malignancies. METHODS We systematically searched and evaluated current evidence. An expert panel discussed the results and recommendations. We then compared our recommendations to current international guidelines. RESULTS We summarised the data from eligible studies in evidence tables, developed recommendations for different entities and risk groups. CONCLUSION Comprehensive literature search and expert panel consensus confirmed many key recommendations given by international guidelines. Evidence for growth factors during acute myeloid leukaemia induction chemotherapy and pegfilgrastim use in haematological malignancies was rated lower compared with other guidelines.

Dicto: A Unified DSL for Testing Architectural Rules

Software architecture consists of a set of design choices that can be partially expressed in form of rules that the implementation must conform to. Architectural rules are intended to ensure properties that fulfill fundamental non-functional requirements. Verifying architectural rules is often a non- trivial activity: available tools are often not very usable and support only a narrow subset of the rules that are commonly specified by practitioners. In this paper we present a new highly-readable declarative language for specifying architectural rules. With our approach, users can specify a wide variety of rules using a single uniform notation. Rules can get tested by third-party tools by conforming to pre-defined specification templates. Practitioners can take advantage of the capabilities of a growing number of testing tools without dealing with them directly.

The structure of the debate on EU integration issues. A comparative analysis of party communication in the EP 2014 elections

The results of Eurosceptic parties in the recent European parliament election provide further evidence that the “permissive consensus” on European integration blurred. This paper focuses on the structure of the debate on EU integration issues. Which EU integration issues and positions do parties put forward? Can the debate on EU integration issues be subsumed in one or several dimensions? Do they reflect national political conflicts such as the left-right and the ‘new politics’/cultural divide? Or do they form one unique or several EU-specific dimensions, e.g. national sovereignty versus integration? In order to address these questions, this paper departs from the assumption that debate on European integration is multidimensional in its nature and therefore entails a multitude of issue areas. In other words, it does not look at how socio-economic and cultural issues are related to European integration but focuses on its components, i.e. particular EU-specific policies such as EU-wide employment, environment, immigration and monetary policy. The paper departs from the cleavage theory on political di-visions and different approaches transferring them to EU politics. Two points should be noted; first, this paper does not compare the debate on European integration issues between the national level and the EU level, but whether domestic divisions are reflected at the EU level. Second, it is not concerned with the general ideo-logical profile of political parties on EU integration issues, but on EU issues that parties communicated through press releases. By doing this, the paper is concerned with the salient EU issues that parties touch upon.

Performing AIDS. The Film-maker Rosa von Praunheim between HIV/AIDS-Communities in Germany and the USA

This paper explores the works of German film-maker Rosa von Praunheim during the AIDS crisis. In the 1980ies and 1990ies he produced several films portraying the gay communities in Germany and the USA in the face of AIDS. First, this paper analyses the cinematic techniques von Praunheim uses to criticise the German gay community and present the American practices of performing community as a role model for AIDS-activism. In a second step, the focus is put on von Praunheim’s autobiography and the rhetoric strategies he uses to participate in New York’s HIV-community, while being HIV-negative himself.

Performing AIDS. The Film-maker Rosa von Praunheim between HIV/AIDS-Communities in Germany and the USA

The paper explores the works of German film-maker Rosa von Praunheim during the AIDS crisis, who worked in Germany and the USA in the 1980ies and 1990ies and produced several films portraying the gay communities in both countries in the face of AIDS. The first part of the paper analyses how von Praunheim’s films show different forms of performing community in the two countries. It discusses the filmic techniques utilized to criticize the reaction of the German gay community to the appearance of AIDS and to present Amercian traditions of forming and performing a community as a role model for AIDS-activism. The second part focuses on von Praunheim’s autobiography „40 Years of Perversity. The Sentimental Memoirs of Rosa von Raunheim“ (1993) and the rhetoric strategies he – being HIV-negative himself – uses to become part of New York’s HIV-community. The paper examines the hypothesis that von Praunheim’s rhetoric is constructing and performing a „participative identity“ (Alois Hahn). The paper finally discusses the use and adaption of terms and symbols originating from the context of German National Socialism (e.g. the pink triangle) within the process of forming and performing New York’s AIDS-Community and how they are reused and readapted by Rosa von Praunheim.

Zum Freihandelsabkommen EU-USA: Auswirkungen auf die Schweiz

Seit Juli 2013 laufen die Verhandlungen über ein umfassendes Freihandels- und Investitionsschutzabkommen zwischen der EU und den USA. Die Verhandlungen laufen noch, und es ist zum heutigen Zeitpunkt wenig bekannt zum Ausgang und Umfang des Abkommens. Zwei der in der Öffentlichkeit breit diskutierten Streitpunkte sind das geplante Investor-Staat-Streitbeilegungsverfahren, sowie die sogenannten Chlor-Hühnchen. Das geplante Abkommen soll aber weit darüber hinaus greifen und nebst dem Zollabbau für Industrie- und Agrarprodukte auch die Beseitigung von nicht-tarifären Handelshemmnissen umfassen. Nicht-tarifäre Handelshemmnisse werden typischerweise durch eine Rechtsharmonisierung im Bereich der Produktionsstandards reduziert. Eine solche Harmonisierung könnte sich für die Schweizer Industrie als Herausforderung herausstellen. Auch strikte Ursprungsregeln könnten sich auf einzelne Schweizer Zwischenprodukte negativ auswirken. Potenziell negative Auswirkungen könnten aber durch verschiedene handelspolitische Massnahmen gemindert werden. Soweit minilaterale Abkommen wie das TTIP-Abkommen eine nicht-diskriminierende Rechtsharmonisierung vorsehen, wirken sie sich insgesamt primär positiv und wachstumsfördernd für Drittstaaten wie die Schweiz aus.

Das Ende der bilateralen Handelsabkommen?: Was Mega-Abkommen wie das Freihandelsabkommen EU-USA (TTIP) für die Schweiz bedeuten

Zwei Jahrzehnte lang hat sich im internationalen Handelsrecht wenig bewegt. Durch die Paralyse der WTO genossen bilaterale Handelsabkommen viel Aufmerksamkeit und waren während 20 Jahren das primäre Instrument für die Weiterentwicklung und Vertiefung der Handelsbeziehungen. Vor gut einem Jahr hat sich die Dynamik geändert: Mit mehreren sogenannten Mega-Abkommen, plurilateralen Initiativen und dem ersten neuen Entscheid der WTO seit vielen Jahren, verlieren bilaterale Handelsabkommen an Attraktivität und Nutzen. Diese neue Dynamik bringt deutlich zum Vorschein, dass der handelspolitische Alleingang steigende Kosten mit sich bringt und die fortschreitende Globalisierung einen Imperativ zur Vernetzung und Kooperation schafft. Ob die Schweiz bereit ist, der neuen Herausforderung proaktiv zu begegnen, wird sich weisen.

A new measure for party coherence: Applying a physics-based concept to the Swiss party system

The paper revives a theoretical definition of party coherence as being composed of two basic elements, cohesion and factionalism, to propose and apply a novel empirical measure based on spin physics. The simultaneous analysis of both components using a single measurement concept is applied to data representing the political beliefs of candidates in the Swiss general elections of 2003 and 2007, proposing a connection between the coherence of the beliefs party members hold and the assessment of parties being at risk of splitting. We also compare our measure with established polarization measures and demonstrate its advantage with respect to multi-dimensional data that lack clear structure. Furthermore, we outline how our analysis supports the distinction between bottom-up and top-down mechanisms of party splitting. In this way, we are able to turn the intuition of coherence into a defined quantitative concept that, additionally, offers a methodological basis for comparative research of party coherence. Our work serves as an example of how a complex systems approach allows to get a new perspective on a long-standing issue in political science.

Estimating Intra-Party Preferences: Comparing Speeches to Votes

Well-established methods exist for measuring party positions, but reliable means for estimating intra-party preferences remain underdeveloped. While most efforts focus on estimating the ideal points of individual legislators based on inductive scaling of roll call votes, this data suffers from two problems: selection bias due to unrecorded votes and strong party discipline, which tends to make voting a strategic rather than a sincere indication of preferences. By contrast, legislative speeches are relatively unconstrained, as party leaders are less likely to punish MPs for speaking freely as long as they vote with the party line. Yet, the differences between roll call estimations and text scalings remain essentially unexplored, despite the growing application of statistical analysis of textual data to measure policy preferences. Our paper addresses this lacuna by exploiting a rich feature of the Swiss legislature: on most bills, legislators both vote and speak many times. Using this data, we compare text-based scaling of ideal points to vote-based scaling from a crucial piece of energy legislation. Our findings confirm that text scalings reveal larger intra-party differences than roll calls. Using regression models, we further explain the differences between roll call and text scalings by attributing differences to constituency-level preferences for energy policy.

Similar outcome of upfront-unrelated and matched sibling stem cell transplantation in idiopathic paediatric aplastic anaemia. A study on behalf of the UK Paediatric BMT Working Party, Paediatric Diseases Working Party and Severe Aplastic Anaemia Working Party of EBMT

Abstract We explored the feasibility of unrelated donor haematopoietic stem cell transplant (HSCT) upfront without prior immunosuppressive therapy (IST) in paediatric idiopathic severe aplastic anaemia (SAA). This cohort was then compared to matched historical controls who had undergone first-line therapy with a matched sibling/family donor (MSD) HSCT (n = 87) or IST with horse antithymocyte globulin and ciclosporin (n = 58) or second-line therapy with unrelated donor HSCT post-failed IST (n = 24). The 2-year overall survival in the upfront cohort was 96 ± 4% compared to 91 ± 3% in the MSD controls (P = 0·30) and 94 ± 3% in the IST controls (P = 0·68) and 74 ± 9% in the unrelated donor HSCT post-IST failure controls (P = 0·02).The 2-year event-free survival in the upfront cohort was 92 ± 5% compared to 87 ± 4% in MSD controls (P = 0·37), 40 ± 7% in IST controls (P = 0·0001) and 74 ± 9% in the unrelated donor HSCT post-IST failure controls (n = 24) (P = 0·02). Outcomes for upfront-unrelated donor HSCT in paediatric idiopathic SAA were similar to MSD HSCT and superior to IST and unrelated donor HSCT post-IST failure. Front-line therapy with matched unrelated donor HSCT is a novel treatment approach and could be considered as first-line therapy in selected paediatric patients who lack a MSD. © 2015 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.

Firearm legislation and firearm mortality in the USA: a cross-sectional, state-level study.

BACKGROUND In an effort to reduce firearm mortality rates in the USA, US states have enacted a range of firearm laws to either strengthen or deregulate the existing main federal gun control law, the Brady Law. We set out to determine the independent association of different firearm laws with overall firearm mortality, homicide firearm mortality, and suicide firearm mortality across all US states. We also projected the potential reduction of firearm mortality if the three most strongly associated firearm laws were enacted at the federal level. METHODS We constructed a cross-sectional, state-level dataset from Nov 1, 2014, to May 15, 2015, using counts of firearm-related deaths in each US state for the years 2008-10 (stratified by intent [homicide and suicide]) from the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's Web-based Injury Statistics Query and Reporting System, data about 25 firearm state laws implemented in 2009, and state-specific characteristics such as firearm ownership for 2013, firearm export rates, and non-firearm homicide rates for 2009, and unemployment rates for 2010. Our primary outcome measure was overall firearm-related mortality per 100 000 people in the USA in 2010. We used Poisson regression with robust variances to derive incidence rate ratios (IRRs) and 95% CIs. FINDINGS 31 672 firearm-related deaths occurred in 2010 in the USA (10·1 per 100 000 people; mean state-specific count 631·5 [SD 629·1]). Of 25 firearm laws, nine were associated with reduced firearm mortality, nine were associated with increased firearm mortality, and seven had an inconclusive association. After adjustment for relevant covariates, the three state laws most strongly associated with reduced overall firearm mortality were universal background checks for firearm purchase (multivariable IRR 0·39 [95% CI 0·23-0·67]; p=0·001), ammunition background checks (0·18 [0·09-0·36]; p<0·0001), and identification requirement for firearms (0·16 [0·09-0·29]; p<0·0001). Projected federal-level implementation of universal background checks for firearm purchase could reduce national firearm mortality from 10·35 to 4·46 deaths per 100 000 people, background checks for ammunition purchase could reduce it to 1·99 per 100 000, and firearm identification to 1·81 per 100 000. INTERPRETATION Very few of the existing state-specific firearm laws are associated with reduced firearm mortality, and this evidence underscores the importance of focusing on relevant and effective firearms legislation. Implementation of universal background checks for the purchase of firearms or ammunition, and firearm identification nationally could substantially reduce firearm mortality in the USA. FUNDING None.