941 resultados para Administrative and political divisions.


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Today, Temporary Labour Migration is a fundamental course of action promoted by relevant economic and political agents, such as EC, the GCIM, or the OECD. Based on a specific empirical case study of Temporary and Circular Labour Migration in the Catalonian agrarian sector, which has been distinguished as a particularly successful formula, we identify a new area of interest: the emergence of a new empirical migrant category, the Circular Labour Migrant, which remains theoretically unnamed and lacks public recognition. We argue that, until now, there have been two historical phases regarding temporary labour migration: one of total deregulation and another of partial regulation, led by private actors with support from public institutions, and featuring circularity. IN a developed Welfare State context, it would be normatively pertinent to except a step towards a third phase, one involving the institutionalization of this new mobility category through the elaboration of a public policy.

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This paper analyzes how the ideas and concepts of Europe have developed in Catalonia, under the conditions of a decentralizing “nation-state” (Spain) on one hand, and the European integration process on the other. It analyzes the programmes, manifestations of political leaders, and political actions of the Catalan political parties, specially the nationalists, from the setting up of the Spanish state of autonomies (1977-1982) until today. The paper tries to show how, in multilevel governance, holistic and enthusiastic visions of an economically and political integrating Europe as a “natural ally” of a Catalan nationalism were partially replaced by more pragmatic and even more critical assessments.

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Social identity is a double-edged sword. On the one hand, identifying with a social group is a prerequisite for the sharing of common norms and values, solidarity, and collective action. On the other hand, in-group identification often goes together with prejudice and discrimination. Today, these two sides of social identification underlie contradictory trends in the way European nations and European nationals relate to immigrants and immigration. Most European countries are becoming increasingly multicultural, and anti-discrimination laws have been adopted throughout the European Union, demonstrating a normative shift towards more social inclusion and tolerance. At the same time, racist and xenophobic attitudes still shape social relations, individual as well as collective behaviour (both informal and institutional), and political positions throughout Europe. The starting point for this chapter is Sanchez-Mazas' (2004) interactionist approach to the study of racism and xenophobia, which in turn builds on Axel Honneth's (1996) philosophical theory of recognition. In this view, the origin of attitudes towards immigrants cannot be located in one or the other group, but in a dynamic of mutual influence. Sanchez-Mazas' approach is used as a general framework into which we integrate social psychological approaches of prejudice and recent empirical findings examining minority-majority relations. We particularly focus on the role of national and European identities as antecedents of anti-immigrant attitudes held by national majorities. Minorities' reactions to denials of recognition are also examined. We conclude by delineating possible social and political responses to prejudice towards immigrants.

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This research aimed to identify political-ethical skills developed in a training process compatible with the expected profile set by the National Curriculum Guidelines for the Undergraduate Nursing Degree. A case study was conducted with units represented by 32 former students from a particular religious teaching institution who already were in the job market. The content of the interviews was analyzed using the thematic analysis technique, which resulted in the following categories: "Political-ethical skills in the formative process" and "Political-ethical skills as a product of the educational process." From the former students’ perspective, these categories reinforced the social role of the nurse and the need for students to be reflective, understanding and participative in the transformation of society.

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Disability, especially if related to a psychiatric disorder, such as somatoform pain disorder, is characterized by medical, psychological, relational, social and societal, as well as financial and political aspects. This manuscript, part of a PhD thesis which reflects on a possible dialogue between an ancient text and the modern conceptualization of disability, tries to address the phenomenological, historical and political dimensions of disability.

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Religion in general, and Islam in particular, has become one of the main focal points of policy-making and constitutional politics in many Western liberal states. This article proposes to examine the legal and political dynamics behind new regulations targeting individual religious practices of Muslims. Although one could presuppose that church-state relations or the understanding of secularism is the main factor accounting for either accommodation or prohibition of Muslim religious practices, I make the case that the policy frame used to conceptualize the integration of immigrants in each national context is a more significant influence on how a liberal state approaches the legal regulation of individual practices such as veiling. However, this influence must be assessed carefully since it may have different effects on the different institutional actors in charge of regulating religion, such as the Courts and the legislature. To assess these hypotheses I compare two countries, France and Canada, which are solid examples of two contrasting national policy frames for the integration of immigrants.

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Since the 1990s Cape Verde has undergone dramatic economic and political transformations that have brought about growing social class distinction. The two main towns (Praia and Mindelo) have grown rapidly in the last decades and their urban structure today reflects the increasing polarisation of the population. Middle and upper class families occupy the older parts of town and the recently built planned areas, while spontaneous neighbourhoods spread without planning on the less valuable land. It is in these latter areas that most social issues associated with childhood and youth have become highly visible in the last decade. In this article I will focus on children’s reasons for going to live on the streets of Mindelo, arguing that it is in terms of autonomous mobility within a non-heterogeneous and profoundly divided urban and social space that we can better understand what is commonly defined as the phenomenon of street children.

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Background Working in a teaching hospital is a highly stressful occupation, which can lead to burnout. The consequences of burnout in health professionals can be very serious, both for themselves and patients. The aim of this cross-sectional study was to assess the extent of burnout and associated factors in hospital employees. Methods In the Fall of 2007, all employees of a Swiss teaching hospital were invited to complete a job satisfaction survey. It included the work-related burnout scale (scored 0-100) of the Copenhagen Burnout Inventory (CBI-French version), measuring the degree of physical and psychological fatigue and exhaustion perceived as related to the person's work; a high degree of burnout was defined as a score _50. Logistic regression analyses were used to determine factors associated with a high degree of burnout. Results A total of 4575 individuals returned the questionnaire (response rate 54%). Of them, 1503 (33%) had a high degree of burnout. The rate of burnout was higher among women (34.3% versus 30.5%, P = 0.012) and respondents younger than 40 years (37.7% versus 28.6%, P < 0.001). Executives were less prone to burnout than employees (27.1% versus 33.9%, P < 0.0019). Rates of burnout differed by profession: nurses and physicians had higher rates than administrative and logistic staff (42.8% and 37.4% versus 25.6% and 20.9%, respectively P < 0.001). Burnout was inversely associated with job satisfaction. In multivariate analysis, factors associated with burnout were overall dissatisfaction (OR 3.23; 95% CI 2.66-3.91), dissatisfaction with workload (OR 2.09; 95% CI 1.74-2.51) and work-life balance (OR 2.25; 95% CI 1.83-2.77), being a woman (OR 1.56; 95% CI 1.28-1.90), working fulltime (OR 1.41; 95% CI 1.08-1.85) and working as a nurse, a physician or in the psychosocial sector. Conclusions One-third of respondents, mostly nurses and physicians, experienced burnout and had lower levels of job satisfaction. The factors associated with burnout may help to tailor programmes aiming at reducing burnout at both the individual and organizational level within the hospital.

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Unemployment rates in developed countries have recently reached levels not seenin a generation, and workers of all ages are facing increasing probabilities of losingtheir jobs and considerable losses in accumulated assets. These events likely increasethe reliance that most older workers will have on public social insurance programs,exactly at a time that public finances are suffering from a large drop in contributions.Our paper explicitly accounts for employment uncertainty and unexpectedwealth shocks, something that has been relatively overlooked in the literature, butthat has grown in importance in recent years. Using administrative and householdlevel data we empirically characterize a life-cycle model of retirement and claimingdecisions in terms of the employment, wage, health, and mortality uncertainty facedby individuals. Our benchmark model explains with great accuracy the strikinglyhigh proportion of individuals who claim benefits exactly at the Early RetirementAge, while still explaining the increased claiming hazard at the Normal RetirementAge. We also discuss some policy experiments and their interplay with employmentuncertainty. Additionally, we analyze the effects of negative wealth shocks on thelabor supply and claiming decisions of older Americans. Our results can explainwhy early claiming has remained very high in the last years even as the early retirementpenalties have increased substantially compared with previous periods, andwhy labor force participation has remained quite high for older workers even in themidst of the worse employment crisis in decades.

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We argue that during the crystallization of common and civil law in the 19th century, the optimal degree of discretion in judicial rulemaking, albeit influenced by the comparative advantages of both legislative and judicial rulemaking, was mainly determined by the anti-market biases of the judiciary. The different degrees of judicial discretion adopted in both legal traditions were thus optimally adapted to different circumstances, mainly rooted in the unique, market-friendly, evolutionary transition enjoyed by English common law as opposed to the revolutionary environment of the civil law. On the Continent, constraining judicial discretion was essential for enforcing freedom of contract and establishing a market economy. The ongoing debasement of pro-market fundamentals in both branches of the Western legal system is explained from this perspective as a consequence of increased perceptions of exogenous risks and changes in the political system, which favored the adoption of sharing solutions and removed the cognitive advantage of parliaments and political leaders.

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Les inégalités économiques se traduisent-elles dans des inégalités politiques à travers le processus de représentation électorale? Telle est la question centrale de cette thèse qui s'attache, par ailleurs, à investiguer les mécanismes qui tendent à produire une représentation biaisée des préférences politiques des citoyens en fonction de leur statut économique. Focalisé sur le cas de la Suisse et faisant usage des données de l'enquête postélectorale Selects de 2007, ce travail démontre que sur les rares sujets qui divisent les citoyens selon des clivages économiques - la redistribution des richesses et la sécurité sociale en particulier - les élus à l'Assemblée fédérale ont des préférences qui reflètent mieux les opinions des citoyens les plus riches. Cette sous-représentation des opinions des citoyens modestes et de ceux faisant partie du centre de la distribution des revenus peut en partie être attribuée à des différences dans les taux de participation et de connaissance politiques entre ces groupes de citoyens. La thèse met également en évidence le rôle joué par la représentation descriptive - autrement dit, la similitude en termes de statut économique entre les représentants et les représentés - dans la représentation des opinions et intérêts des citoyens. Par ailleurs, la structure du système partisan en Suisse ne reflétant pas la multidimensionnalité des préférences politiques des citoyens, les électeurs ne parviennent pas à traduire la complexité de leurs préférences politiques dans un choix de vote, ce qui, dans la configuration actuelle des forces politiques, tend à favoriser l'élection de représentants aux opinions proches de la droite sur les questions économiques. Enfin, une analyse de la représentation politique au niveau cantonal tend à soutenir la thèse selon laquelle le manque de régulation en matière de financement des partis en Suisse pourrait partiellement expliquer les inégalités dans la représentation des opinions politiques des citoyens aux revenus distincts. - Do economic inequalities translate into political inequalities through electoral representation? This is the central research question of this thesis, which also investigates the mechanisms that lead to potential economically based inequalities in the representation of citizens' policy preferences. Focusing on the case of Switzerland and making use of data provided by the post- electoral survey Selects 2007, this research demonstrates that regarding the rare policy domains in which the preferences of citizens are clearly linked to economic cleavages - redistribution and social security in particular - members of the Federal Assembly have policy preferences that best reflect the policy preferences of richer citizens. The under-representation of the opinions of relatively poor citizens and of those being the in the middle of the income distribution can be to some extent be explained by differences in political participation and political information across income groups. The thesis also puts forward the role played by descriptive representation - the similarity between representatives and represented in terms of their socioeconomic status - for the representation of citizens' preferences and interests. In addition, the structure of the party system in Switzerland does not reflect the multidimensionality of policy preferences among citizens who, as a result, have a hard time translating their complex preferences into a vote choice. Given the configuration of political actors, this tends to favour the election of representatives from the right who do not represent the preferences of their voters on economic issues. Finally, an analysis of representation at the cantonal level tends to confirm that the lack of party finance regulations in Switzerland may partially explain inequalities in the representation of citizens with different levels of income.

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The objective of this article is to examine how substantive and procedural rights granted to foreign investors by Swiss bits are gradually being balanced with social and environmental provisions. Switzerland has enjoyed a long bit practice, as it signed its first treaty with Tunisia fifty years ago. Swiss bits rely on the post-establishment model and include usual standards of treatment. From 1981, they also systematically provide for a dispute settlement mechanism for disputes arising between an investor and a host State. Since the Switzerland - El Salvador bit in 1994, sustainable development concerns have been expressly inserted in some Swiss bits, as well as in several recent free trade agreements. Provisions on this theme are however far from being systematic in Switzerland's bit practice and essentially remain declaratory in nature. The trend towards wider inclusion of sustainable development provisions in bits still faces several practical and political challenges.

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Esta dissertação tem por finalidade evidenciar os “Impactos Decorrentes da Expansão da Cidade de Assomada”. Propõe-se ainda, analisar a relação urbanorural no município de Santa Catarina, Cabo Verde. Essa análise incidiu sobre os dados da sua ocupação, que remonta à 2ª metade do século XIX, no decurso da crise e decadência da primeira cidade de Cabo Verde (Ribeira Grande, atual Cidade- Velha) e às conjunturas regionais e nacionais que condicionaram sua trajetória, bem como, os principais agentes intervenientes na transformação do espaço urbano de Assomada (Estado, proprietários de terra e comerciantes), sobretudo, no período que decorre de 1961 a 2003. A pesquisa empreendida demonstra que a “ruralidade” é um dos aspectos fundamentais de Santa Catarina, abrangendo 21,3% da população rural do território nacional e 37,9% da ilha de Santiago. Do ponto de vista urbanístico, o mapeamento da evolução da cidade de Assomada, referente à área ocupada pelas edificações nesse lapso de tempo, permite-nos perceber um crescimento bastante acelerado desse espaço urbano, sobretudo, a partir dos anos 90. Dois aspectos importantes se encontram na base dessa transformação: a Independência Nacional ocorrida em 1975 e a Emigração. Com a Independência, o país passou a beneficiar de amplos programas de cooperação internacional o que veio a reforçar a sua importância econômica e política, visualizada através de projetos industrializantes, infra-estruturas e equipamentos de diversas naturezas. Esses investimentos foram por sua vez reforçados por aportes dos emigrantes, que passaram a ser um dos parceiros fundamentais no desenvolvimento de Santa Catarina, através de iniciativas privadas e empresariais, como a construção de residências e constituição de empresas. A análise do indicador uso e ocupação do solo urbano permitiu-nos identificar alguns impactos ambientais causados, sobretudo, pela falta de instrumentos de gestão urbanística, ausência de cadastro municipal e uma deficiente fiscalização dos órgãos administrativos.