821 resultados para war on drugs
Resumo:
This report presents evidence for the interactions of several classes of cationic amphiphilic drugs including the phenothiazines, aminoquinolines, biguanides, and aromatic diamidines, with lipid A, the endotoxic principle of lipopolysaccharides. The interactions of the drugs were quantitatively assessed by fluorescence methods. The affinities of the drugs for lipid A parallel their endotoxin-antagonistic effects in the Limulus gelation assay. Dicationic compounds bind lipid A with greater affinity; the affinity of such molecules increases exponentially as a function of the distance between the basic moieties. The bis-amidine drug - pentamidine - examined in greater detail, binds lipid A with high affinity (apparent K-d: 0.12 mu M), and LPS, probably due to simultaneous interactions of the terminal amidine groups with the anionic phosphates on lipid A. The sequestration of endotoxin by pentamidine reduces its propensity to bind to cells, and the complex exhibits attenuated toxicity in biological assays. These results have implications in the development of therapeutic strategies against endotoxin-related disease states.
Resumo:
Major advances in the treatment of preterm infants have occurred during the last three decades. Survival rates have increased, and the first generations of preterm infants born at very low birth weight (VLBW; less than 1500 g) who profited from modern neonatal intensive care are now in young adulthood. The literature shows that VLBW children achieve on average lower scores on cognitive tests, even after exclusion of individuals with obvious neurosensory deficits. Evidence also exists for an increased risk in VLBW children for various neuropsychiatric disorders such as attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and related behavioral symptoms. Up till now, studies extending into adulthood are sparse, and it remains to be seen whether these problems persist into adulthood. The aim of this thesis was to study ADHD-related symptoms and cognitive and executive functioning in young adults born at VLBW. In addition, we aimed to study sleep disturbances, known to adversely affect both cognition and attention. We hypothesized that preterm birth at VLBW interferes with early brain development in a way that alters the neuropsychological phenotype; this may manifest itself as ADHD symptoms and impaired cognitive abilities in young adulthood. In this cohort study from a geographically defined region, we studied 166 VLBW adults and 172 term-born controls born from 1978 through 1985. At ages 18 to 27 years, the study participants took part in a clinic study during which their physical and psychological health was assessed in detail. Three years later, 213 of these individuals participated in a follow-up. The current study is part of a larger research project (The Helsinki Study of Very Low Birth Weight Adults), and the measurements of interest for this particular study include the following: 1) The Adult Problem Questionnaire (APQ), a self-rating scale of ADHD-related symptoms in adults; 2) A computerized cognitive test battery designed for population studies (CogState®) which measures core cognitive abilities such as reaction time, working memory, and visual learning; 3) Sleep assessment by actigraphy, the Basic Nordic Sleep Questionnaire, and the Morningness-Eveningness Questionnaire. Actigraphs are wrist-worn accelerometers that separate sleep from wakefulness by registering body movements. Contrary to expectations, VLBW adults as a group reported no more ADHD-related behavioral symptoms than did controls. Further subdivision of the VLBW group into SGA (small for gestational age) and AGA (appropriate for gestational age) subgroups, however, revealed more symptoms on ADHD subscales pertaining to executive dysfunction and emotional instability among those born SGA. Thus, it seems that intrauterine growth retardation (for which SGA served as a proxy) is a more essential predictor for self-perceived ADHD symptoms in adulthood than is VLBW birth as such. In line with observations from other cohorts, the VLBW adults reported less risk-taking behavior in terms of substance use (alcohol, smoking, and recreational drugs), a finding reassuring for the VLBW individuals and their families. On the cognitive test, VLBW adults free from neurosensory deficits had longer reaction times than did term-born peers on all tasks included in the test battery, and lower accuracy on the learning task, with no discernible effect of SGA status over and above the effect of VLBW. Altogether, on a group level, even high-functioning VLBW adults show subtle deficits in psychomotor processing speed, visual working memory, and learning abilities. The sleep studies provided no evidence for differences in sleep quality or duration between the two groups. The VLBW adults were, however, at more than two-fold higher risk for sleep-disordered breathing (in terms of chronic snoring). Given the link between sleep-disordered breathing and health sequelae, these results suggest that VLBW individuals may benefit from an increased awareness among clinicians of this potential problem area. An unexpected finding from the sleep studies was the suggestion of an advanced sleep phase: The VLBW adults went to bed earlier according to the actigraphy registrations and also reported earlier wake-up times on the questionnaire. In further study of this issue in conjunction with the follow-up three years later, the VLBW group reported higher levels of morningness propensity, further corroborating the preliminary findings of an advanced sleep phase. Although the clinical implications are not entirely clear, the issue may be worth further study, since circadian rhythms are closely related to health and well-being. In sum, we believe that increased understanding of long-term outcomes after VLBW, and identification of areas and subgroups that are particularly vulnerable, will allow earlier recognition of potential problems and ultimately lead to improved prevention strategies.
Resumo:
The 1980s and the early 1990s have proved to be an important turning point in the history of the Nordic welfare states. After this breaking point, the Nordic social order has been built upon a new foundation. This study shows that the new order is mainly built upon new hierarchies and control mechanisms that have been developed consistently through economic and labour market policy measures. During the post-war period Nordic welfare states to an increasing extent created equality of opportunity and scope for agency among people. Public social services were available for all and the tax-benefit system maintained a level income distribution. During this golden era of Nordic welfare state, the scope for agency was, however, limited by social structures. Public institutions and law tended to categorize people according to their life circumstances ascribing them a predefined role. In the 1980s and 1990s this collectivist social order began to mature and it became subject to political renegotiation. Signs of a new social order in the Nordic countries have included the liberation of the financial markets, the privatizing of public functions and redefining the role of the public sector. It is now possible to reassess the ideological foundations of this new order. As a contrast to widely used political rhetoric, the foundation of the new order has not been the ideas of individual freedom or choice. Instead, the most important aim appears to have been to control and direct people to act in accordance with the rules of the market. The various levels of government and the social security system have been redirected to serve this goal. Instead of being a mechanism for redistributing income, the Nordic social security system has been geared towards creating new hierarchies on the Nordic labour markets. During the past decades, conditions for receiving income support and unemployment benefit have been tightened in all Nordic countries. As a consequence, people have been forced to accept deteriorating terms and conditions on the labour market. Country-specific variations exist, however: in sum Sweden has been most conservative, Denmark most innovative and Finland most radical in reforming labour market policy. The new hierarchies on the labour market have co-incided with slow or non-existent growth of real wages and with a strong growth of the share of capital income. Slow growth of real wages has kept inflation low and thus secured the value of capital. Societal development has thus progressed from equality of opportunity during the age of the welfare states towards a hierarchical social order where the majority of people face increasing constraints and where a fortunate minority enjoys prosperity and security.
Resumo:
The Cold War era was characterized by ideological struggles that had a major impact on economic decision-making, and also on management practice. To date, however, these ideological struggles have received little attention from management and organizational scholars. To partially fill this research gap, we focus on the role of the media in these ideological struggles. Our starting point is that the media both reflect more general societal debates but also act as an agency promoting specific kinds of ideas and ideologies. In this sense, the media exercise significant power in society; this influece, however, is often subtle and easily dismissed in historical analyses focusing on political and corporate decision-making. In this article, we focus on the role of business journalism in the ideological struggles of the Cold War era. Our case in point is Finland, which is arguably a particularly interesting example due to its geo-political position between East and West. Our approach is socio-historical: we focus on the emergence and development of business journalism in the context of the specific struggles in the Finnish political and economic fields. Our analysis shows how the business journalists struggled between nationalist, pro-Soviet and pro-West political forces, but gradually developed into an increasingly influential force promoting neo-liberal ideology.
Resumo:
Cosmopolitan ideals have been on the philosophical agenda for several millennia but the end of the Cold War started a new discussion on state sovereignty, global democracy, the role of international law and global institutions. The Westphalian state system in practice since the 17th century is transforming and the democracy deficit needs new solutions. An impetus has been the fact that in the present world, an international body representing global citizens does not exist. In this Master’s thesis, the possibility of establishing a world parliament is examined. In a case analysis, 17 models on world parliament from two journals, a volume of essays and two other publications are discussed. Based on general observations, the models are divided into four thematic groups. The models are analyzed with an emphasis on feasible and probable elements. Further, a new scenario with a time frame of thirty years is proposed based on the methodology of normative futures studies, taking special interest in causal relationships and actions leading to change. The scenario presents three gradual steps that each need to be realized before a sustainable world parliament is established. The theoretical framework is based on social constructivism, and changes in international and multi-level governance are examined with the concepts of globalization, democracy and sovereignty. A feasible, desirable and credible world parliament is constituted gradually by implying electoral, democratic and legal measures for members initially from exclusively democratic states, parliamentarians, non-governmental organizations and other groups. The parliament should be located outside the United Nations context, since a new body avoids the problem of inefficiency currently prevailing in the UN. The main objectives of the world parliament are to safeguard peace and international law and to offer legal advice in cases when international law has been violated. A feasible world parliament is advisory in the beginning but it is granted legislative powers in the future. The number of members in the world parliament could also be extended following the example of the EU enlargement process.
Resumo:
The first line medication for mild to moderate Alzheimer s disease (AD) is based on cholinesterase inhibitors which prolong the effect of the neurotransmitter acetylcholine in cholinergic nerve synapses which relieves the symptoms of the disease. Implications of cholinesterases involvement in disease modifying processes has increased interest in this research area. The drug discovery and development process is a long and expensive process that takes on average 13.5 years and costs approximately 0.9 billion US dollars. Drug attritions in the clinical phases are common due to several reasons, e.g., poor bioavailability of compounds leading to low efficacy or toxic effects. Thus, improvements in the early drug discovery process are needed to create highly potent non-toxic compounds with predicted drug-like properties. Nature has been a good source for the discovery of new medicines accounting for around half of the new drugs approved to market during the last three decades. These compounds are direct isolates from the nature, their synthetic derivatives or natural mimics. Synthetic chemistry is an alternative way to produce compounds for drug discovery purposes. Both sources have pros and cons. The screening of new bioactive compounds in vitro is based on assaying compound libraries against targets. Assay set-up has to be adapted and validated for each screen to produce high quality data. Depending on the size of the library, miniaturization and automation are often requirements to reduce solvent and compound amounts and fasten the process. In this contribution, natural extract, natural pure compound and synthetic compound libraries were assessed as sources for new bioactive compounds. The libraries were screened primarily for acetylcholinesterase inhibitory effect and secondarily for butyrylcholinesterase inhibitory effect. To be able to screen the libraries, two assays were evaluated as screening tools and adapted to be compatible with special features of each library. The assays were validated to create high quality data. Cholinesterase inhibitors with various potencies and selectivity were found in natural product and synthetic compound libraries which indicates that the two sources complement each other. It is acknowledged that natural compounds differ structurally from compounds in synthetic compound libraries which further support the view of complementation especially if a high diversity of structures is the criterion for selection of compounds in a library.
Resumo:
For the past two centuries, nationalism has been among the most influential legitimizing principles of political organization. According to its simple definition, nationalism is a principle or a way of thinking and acting which holds that the world is divided into nations, and that national and political units should be congruent. Nationalism can thus be divided into two aspects: internal and external. Internally, the political units, i.e., states, should be made up of only one nation. Externally each nation-state should be sovereign. Transnational national governance of rights of national minorities violates both these principles. This study explores the formation, operation, and effectiveness of the European post-Cold War minorities system. The study identifies two basic approaches to minority rights: security and justice. These approaches have been used to legitimize international minority politics and they also inform the practice of transnational governance. The security approach is based on the recognition that the norm of national self-determination cannot be fulfilled in all relevant cases, and so minority rights are offered as a compensation to the dissatisfied national groups, reducing their aspiration to challenge the status quo. From the justice perspective, minority rights are justified as a compensatory strategy against discrimination caused by majority nation-building. The research concludes that the post-Cold War minorities system was justified on the basis of a particular version of the security approach, according to which only Eastern European minority situations are threatening because of the ethnic variant of nationalism that exists in that region. This security frame was essential in internationalising minority issues and justifying the swift development of norms and institutions to deal with these issues. However, from the justice perspective this approach is problematic, since it justified double standards in European minority politics. Even though majority nation-building is often detrimental to minorities also in Western Europe, Western countries can treat their minorities more or less however they choose. One of the main contributions of this thesis is the detailed investigation of the operation of the post-Cold War minorities system. For the first decade since its creation in the early 1990s, the system operated mainly through its security track, which is based on the field activities of the OSCE that are supported by the EU. The study shows how the effectiveness of this track was based on inter-organizational cooperation in which various transnational actors compensate for each other s weaknesses. After the enlargement of the EU and dissolution of the membership conditionality this track, which was limited to Eastern Europe from the start, has become increasingly ineffective. Since the EU enlargement, the focus minorities system has shifted more and more towards its legal track, which is based on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (Council of Europe). The study presents in detail how a network of like-minded representatives of governments, international organizations, and independent experts was able strengthen the framework convention s (originally weak) monitoring system considerably. The development of the legal track allows for a more universal and consistent, justice-based approach to minority rights in contemporary Europe, but the nationalist principle of organization still severely hinders the materialization of this possibility.
Resumo:
In this paper, we describe the effect of some commonly used thiourea-based antithyroid drugs and their analogues on the peroxidase-catalyzed nitration reactions. The nitration of bovine serum albumin (BSA) and cytochrome c was studied using the antibody against 3-nitro-L-tyrosine. This study reveals that the thione-based antithyroid drugs effectively inhibit lactoperoxidase (LPO)-catalyzed nitration of BSA. These compounds show very weak inhibition towards the nitration of cytochrome c. Some of these compounds also inhibit myeloperoxidase (MPO)-catalyzed nitration of L-tyrosine. A structure-activity correlation study on the peroxidase-catalyzed nitration of L-tyrosine reveals that the presence of thione/selone moiety is important for the inhibition. Although the presence of a free N-H group adjacent to C=S moiety is necessary for most of the thiones to inhibit the LPO-catalyzed nitration, the corresponding selones do not require the presence of any free N-H group for their activity. Furthermore, experiments with different concentrations of H2O2 suggest that the antithyroid drugs and related thiones inhibit the nitration reaction mainly by coordinating to the Fe(III)-center of the enzyme active site as previously proposed for the inhibition of peroxidase-catalyzed iodination. On the other hand, the selenium compounds inhibit the nitration by scavenging H2O2 without interacting with the enzyme active site. This assumption is based on the observations that catalase effectively inhibits tyrosine nitration by scavenging H2O2, which is one of the substrates for the nitration. In contrast, superoxide dismutase (SOD) does not alter the nitration reactions, indicating the absence of superoxide radical anion (O-2 center dot(-)) during the peroxidase-catalyzed nitration reactions. (C) 2010 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.