A Better Place to Be: Republicanism as an Alternative to the Authoritarianism-Democracy Dichotomy

ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: A BETTER PLACE TO BE: REPUBLICANISM AS AN ALTENATIVE TO THE AUTHORITARIANISM-DEMOCRACY DICHOTOMY Christopher Ronald Binetti, Doctor of Philosophy, and 2016 Dissertation directed by: Dr. Charled Frederick Alford, Department of Government and Politics In this dissertation, I argue that in modern or ancient regimes, the simple dichotomy between democracies and autocracies/dictatorships is both factually wrong and problematic for policy purposes. It is factually wrong because regimes between the two opposite regime types exist and it is problematic because the either/or dichotomy leads to extreme thinking in terms of nation-building in places like Afghanistan. In planning for Afghanistan, the argument is that either we can quickly nation-build it into a liberal democracy or else we must leave it in the hands of a despotic dictator. This is a false choice created by both a faulty categorization of regime types and most importantly, a failure to understand history. History shows us that the republic is a regime type that defies the authoritarian-democracy dichotomy. A republic by my definition is a non-dominating regime, characterized by a (relative) lack of domination by any one interest group or actor, mostly non-violent competition for power among various interest groups/factions, the ability of factions/interest groups/individual actors to continue to legitimately play the political game even after electoral or issue-area defeat and some measure of effectiveness. Thus, a republic is a system of government that has institutions, laws, norms, attitudes, and beliefs that minimize the violation of the rule of law and monopolization of power by one individual or group as much as possible. These norms, laws, attitudes, and beliefs ae essential to the republican system in that they make those institutions that check and balance power work. My four cases are Assyria, Persia, Venice and Florence. Assyria and Persia are ancient regimes, the first was a republic and then became the frightening opposite of a republic, while the latter was a good republic for a long time, but had effectiveness issues towards the end. Venice is a classical example of a medieval or early modern republic, which was very inspirational to Madison and others in building republican America. Florence is the example of a medieval republic that fell to despotism, as immortalized by Machiavelli’s writings. In all of these examples, I test certain alternative hypotheses as well as my own.

Economics for Substantive Democracy

In this paper, I sustain that the discourse of economics has become one of the most substantial contributors to the erosion of the democratic ideal. The first argument used in this case against economics concerns its attempt to be considered a neo- naturalistic science; the second, the fact that economics considers democracy contradictory to the expression of its scientific rationality and; the third, the fact that economics crowds out people from decision-making processes by pushing them into the hands of experts. Because partisan political programmes have essentially become economic programmes, economics should contribute to substantive democracy. In order to do so, an alternative discourse to mainstream economics must be proposed. An economics favourable to substantive democracy should, thereby, be political rather than naturalistic, pluralist rather than monist and, instead of crowding out people from decisions processes, should aim at the co-production of economic knowledge with those concerned by the outcome of economic decisions.

Islam, democracy, diversity : some reflections on the arabe popular uprisings

A chamada «Primavera Árabe» surgiu como uma enorme surpresa para a maioria dos observadores e académicos e, apesar dos seus resultados finais ainda serem desconhecidos, o «mundo árabe» não voltará a ser o mesmo. Estas revoltas populares árabes não foram previstas, mas eram realmente imprevisíveis? Seja qual for a resposta, as mudanças que ocorreram na Tunísia, Egito, Líbia, para não falar no Bahrein, Marrocos ou na Síria, mostram claramente que os regimes autoritários não eram - como as democracias ocidentais que os apoiaram fizeram crer - a melhor e única alternativa ao islamismo. Além disso estas revoltas enfatizaram as profundas mudanças sociais que resultaram no surgimento de novos atores, principalmente mulheres e jovens que estiveram na linha da frente. Embora o islamismo tenha dizimado a ideia de uma exceção democrática árabe, a regulação democrática do pluralismo cultural parece ser um dos desafios mais cruciais ao futuro do «mundo árabe».

Reworking direct cinema: performative display in rockumentary

early 1960s, a staple of American direct cinema. In keeping with its associations with observational direct cinema, rockumentary emphasizes showing over telling: that is, rockumentary privileges the visual capacities of documentary over patterns of exposition. While the ‘documentary display’ of rockumentary is comparable to certain features of the early ‘cinema of attractions’ it exceeds such features in its focus on performance. Typically, an emphasis within documentary theory on unmediated and unreconstructed access to the real as the basis of documentary film has not admitted a place for notions of performance before the camera. Rockumentary, with its relentless foregrounding of the performing body and the performance of musicians, revises this understanding. This essay examines rockumentary within the context of observational direct cinema as a mode centred on a documentary performative display as it operates within selected works from the 1960s to the early twenty-first century. The film theorist Brian Winston has claimed that ‘[d]irect cinema made the rock performance/tour movie into the most popular and commercially viable documentary form thus far.’ The inverse of this assessment is closer to the mark: the rockumentary turned direct cinema into a commercially viable and popular form, one which the rockumentary has at times returned to and innovatively superseded in its scopic attention to performative display.

'Redstone is like electricity': children's performative representations in and around Minecraft

This article investigates 8- and 9-year-old girls’ use of the popular game Minecraft at home and school, particularly the ways in which they performatively ‘bring themselves into being’ through talk and digital production in the social spaces of the classroom and within the game’s multiplayer online world. We explore how the girls undertake practices of curatorship to display their Minecraft knowledge through discussion of the game, both ‘in world’ and in face-to-face interactions, and as they assemble resources within and around the game to design, build and display their creations and share stories about their gameplay.

Changing attitudes towards immigration and democracy in South Korea

If democracy belongs to 'the people', an important test of any democratic society is its treatment of non-citizens, new citizens and others who do not enjoy full civic rights. At times of economic and social upheaval, even societies where democracy is well established may witness anti-immigrant sentiment. This paper analyses how newcomers in South Korea are perceived as workers, neighbours and citizens. These modes of integration imply different degrees of commitment on the part of the host society to the acceptance of new citizens or residents, and thus to democracy. The paper finds that there is some overlap between public opinion and official immigration policy, in that both exhibit a ‘hierarchy of citizenship’, but public opinion is not monolithic. South Koreans prefer some immigrants over others, but seem open to the notion that the boundaries of the political community can and do change over time.

Democracy, governance and political parties in India: an introduction

The party political domain of India is replete with a large number of parties representing the tapestry of Indian society. Many of them are based in specific regions and states, built around social and linguistic identities. While this enhanced the representative character of the parties, it also contributed to varied patterns of political competition and unstable governments. The two major national parties – the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party – becoming coalitionable heralded an era of coalition governments both at the Centre and states, enabling parties to increase their power and their pay-offs. Parties across the political spectrum have tended to converge on macro-economic policy, but continue to diverge on social policies and larger issues that confront India, such as nation building and secularism. Chronic lack of internal democracy coupled with the rise of political corruption and clientelist practices are matters of serious concern. A broader view of governance, resisting temptations to concentrate power and pursue personal enrichment, would enable parties to deliver policies for a better, more just society.

Civil society, democracy and the state in South Korea: a critical dialogue

This review will discuss Hun Joon Kim’s important work on political dissent in the Republic of Korea, The Massacres at Mt. Halla: sixty years of truth-seeking in South Korea (Massacres at Mt. Halla). This book tells the story of the six-decade-long grassroots campaign to establish a truth commission into the events around Jeju 4.3: a series of counterinsurgency actions against armed uprisings that resulted in the large-scale massacre of civilians as well as other atrocities. Political activism looms large in South Korea’s modern political history, making a major contribution to the evolution of democracy in that country. For decades, the main game, and the focus of most academic scholarship, was the establishment of full participatory democracy in the country. Yet, behind the scenes and on the peripheries, many lower profile battles have been fought and the fate of these struggles is in some ways the real test of democracy in South Korea (Republic of Korea or ROK). Drawing together a broad range of primary documentary and interview material, Massacres at Mt. Halla makes a number of important contributions to audiences in Korean Studies, International Relations, and transitional justice. Kim brings to English speakers an unprecedented insight into the uprising, counterinsurgency operations, and activist efforts to bring this chapter of South Korean history to light. Careful archival research is supplemented with detailed personal interview data, the majority of which is in the Korean language and thus previously inaccessible to a wider audience. The value here lies with a detailed narrative that traces grassroots activism from the days of authoritarian government through the varied challenges of a newly democratic nation. In its telling, this story illuminates the ways in which local activism can be derailed or suppressed in a tight security environment. In this case, the backdrop was a political environment strictly managed by the state on the grounds of a fervent anti-communist policy. Anti-communism was in fact the only state-sanctioned ideology, one which had the backing of the ROK’s powerful US military ally. As Kim’s research demonstrates in a clear way, any activism that could be perceived to deviate from this ideology was harshly dealt with. The dawn of progressive government in South Korea in 1997 brought an end to explicit ‘red-baiting’,1 as it was known, but did not overturn altogether the rigid anti-communist structures that had accompanied the development of the modern South Korean state. In the following discussion, I first provide a brief introduction to Kim’s book before focusing my attention in on what Massacres at Mt. Halla tells us about this interaction between national security discourse and civil society activism.

The performative politics of NAPLAN and Myschool

From the moment Australia’s newly elected Labor government announced in 2008 its intention to introduce a national assessment scheme for Australian schools, and to publish the results of these assessments on a public website, it courted controversy. The National Assessment Program – Literacy and Numeracy (NAPLAN) and the MySchool website were introduced as part of the new government’s ‘transparency agenda’ and have been widely discussed and debated. NAPLAN is seen not only as an assessment of students, but also of the schools they attend. On the MySchool website, all of Australia’s nearly 10,000 government and non-government schools that receive government funding are required to present a range of information, including their NAPLAN results. The results are displayed in a comparative format, against the results of 59 other similar schools, as well as against its own past performance. Only selective special purpose schools are exempt from reporting their NAPLAN results.

Democracy, liberty and the prerogative: the displacement of inherent executive power by statute

This article analyses arguments that the prerogative should be readily displaced by statute, where a statute deals with a subject matter similar to a prerogative. It does so by examining the leading cases on displacement of the prerogative in the United Kingdom and the Australian states, and displacement of the Australian Commonwealth's inherent executive power. The cases do not adopt a single rule but the question of whether a statute will be taken to displace a prerogative is highly dependent of the facts and the provisions of the particular staute.This article defends the current approach to displacement, for three reasons. First, the courts do not allow governments to subvert or ignore statutes by using the prerogative. Secondly, the courts have almost always decided in favour of liberty and against the conferral of coercive powers on government. Thirdly, a single rule could not do justice to all the variables involved in displacement cases. Ordinary principles of statutory interpretation are sufficient to deal with questions of displacement.

L’empreinte d’une expérience performative en littérature : le cas de Sophie Calle et de Miranda July

Le présent mémoire propose de croiser les démarches de deux auteures et artistes contemporaines, Sophie Calle et Miranda July, dont les quatre œuvres à l’étude – Douleur exquise (2003), Aveugles (2011), Rachel, Monique (2012) de Calle et Il vous choisit (2013) de July – se fondent sur des expériences en amont de l’écriture qui mobilisent le corps même des auteures, les engagent dans une action concrète et, bien souvent, dans des interactions avec autrui. Cet art de la contrainte, cet art action qui devient le sédiment de leurs écrits s’inscrit dans la filiation hypothétique des théories du philosophe pragmatique John Dewey et de celles de l’artiste Allan Kaprow – l’un des premiers à réfléchir l’art de la performance. L’écriture intermédiale qu’elles pratiquent – ce jeu de relations entre différents médias au sein même de l’œuvre – permet à la fois de réactiver la valeur performative de l’expérience qui a impulsé la création littéraire et d’embrayer une expérience de lecture qui devient elle-même performative. Exemplaires d’une esthétique relationnelle, polyphoniques dans les voix qui s’expriment, les quatre ouvrages du corpus donnent à sentir le bruissement d’une communauté. Il s’agit d’une littérature interdisciplinaire et intersubjective, mais surtout performative dans son questionnement incessant sur le pouvoir de l’art pour transformer la vie.