Participação política, planos diretores e gestão urbana sob o Estatuto da Cidade

The hegemonic version of democracy is based on Schumpeter’s approach, a legacy of liberal pluralism that reduces the formation of legitimate majorities through representation. Nevertheless, the democratization of authoritarian countries has provided innovative experiences of civil society in new participatory formats. At the institutional level, the Statute of the City regulated the chapter of the Urban Policy of the Federal Constitution of 1988. It advocates participatory formats of public policies in urban management “through public participation and representative associations”. The construction of this agenda is the result of institutional imposition and it reflects the government decisions and civil society demands. This paper analyzes the participation, its ability to share decisions, and to what extent these participatory formats depend on governments for the implementation of new paradigms of urban management. The approach combines theoretical and empirical analysis of development processes of Master Plans normatively guided by the City Statute. The empirical basis is formed by three medium-sized cities in Sao Paulo state: Piracicaba, Bauru and Rio Claro.

Construção de índice percentual de “status” de desenvolvimento sus-tentável de assentamentos rurais utilizando procedimento estatísti-co multivariado

The objective of the present work is the construction of percentual indexes of sustainable development "Status" - PIDSD (%) aiming to order and classify the rural settlements, considering agricultural, socioeconomic and environmental aspects, in order to diagnose their sustainable reality. This way, we considered multivariate statistical procedure to establish analytical descriptors - indexes - like the principal components technique (CP). The CP technique was used in a matrix formed by 47 variables observed in 50 rural settlements, distributed in seven different regions of the state of Mato Grosso, obtained from diagnostics, provided by "Mato-Grossense" Enterprise of Research, Assistance and Rural Extension S/A - EMPAER - MT, in order to obtain the indexes used in the construction of PIDSD (%). The settlements with higher PIDSD (%) were considered "higher potential" or "higher sustainable" in relation to the analyzed variables, making the establishment of assistance strategies and cooperation possible, allowing the government and civil society in general, to improve those with worse results ("lower potential" or "lower sustainable"), and search for ways to strengthen and multiply the results of the "higher potential" settlements. Vale do Seringal settlement had the best conditions in relation to the variables, mainly those of higher weigh and was considered the one with "higher potential". São Sebastião had the worst conditions and was considered "lower potential".

Estudo das alterações curriculares do curso de Ciências Biológicas da Universidade Federal de Uberlândia (1970 a 2013)

Pós-graduação em Educação - FCT

A importância da gestão de pessoas no terceiro setor: estudo sobre as instituições na cidade de Passos - MG

Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

O condomínio de vidro: um estudo sobre segurança urbana no Residencial dos Oitis em Araraquara

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FCLAR

Football in the dock: the case of homophobia.

This essay discusses some issues related to homophobia in football. To this was discussed through official documents and literature of the difficulties and challenges in the fight against homophobia in Brazil. From these initial discussions sought to relate the world of "male" and the reproduction of discrimination in football. As a form of analysis came from two authors of the social sciences: Durkheim's concept of anomie, which offers an explanation of why the repression of different (idea of the sacred and profane), and Habermas with the idea of civil society as a construction of mechanisms to fight for a transformation of reality and possibility of dialogue.

Current issues regarding health surveillance of fluoride concentrations in foods

This study analyzed the position of the Federal (Brazil), State (Sao Paulo), and municipal (Bauru, Sao Paulo) governments, civil society representatives, the regulated sector, and research associations concerning issues with fluoride content in foods. Analysis of the interviews (N = 15) used a qualitative methodology (collective subject discourse theory). Various central ideas were identified, including the need for stronger health surveillance in monitoring and controlling fluoride levels, educational measures, and more research in the area. The study concludes that the health surveillance approach to fluoride levels in foods is necessary, but still incipient. There is a mismatch between research output and surveillance. Regulation alone does not suffice to solve all the issues. Health risk communication and health education measures need to be implemented. Issues with fluoride on food labels need further research for the intervention to be effective.

A three-pronged approach to social business: a Brazilian multi-case analysis

Social businesses present a new paradigm to capitalism, in which private companies, non-profit organizations and civil society create a new type of business with the main objective of solving social problems with financial sustainability and efficiency through market mechanisms. As any new phenomenon, different authors conceptualize social businesses with distinct views. This article aims to present and characterize three different perspectives of social business definitions: the European, the American and that of the emerging countries. Each one of these views was illustrated by a different Brazilian case. We conclude with the idea that all the cases have similar characteristics, but also relevant differences that are more than merely geographical. The perspectives analyzed in this paper provide an analytical framework for understanding the field of social businesses. Moreover, the cases demonstrate that in the Brazilian context the field of social business is under construction and that as such it draws on different conceptual influences to deal with a complex and challenging reality.

A forma institucional da negação: Hegel, liberdade e os fundamentos do Estado moderno

Trata-se de discutir as críticas a conceitos insuficientes de liberdade, tais como elas aparecem na Filosofia do direito, de Hegel. Com isto, espera-se expor os verdadeiros problemas que a teoria hegeliana do Estado procura resolver. Tais problemas permitem lançar novas luzes em alguns aspectos decisivos da teoria hegeliana do reconhecimento.

The Emergence of the Post-Socialist Welfare State - The Case of the Baltic States : Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania

This dissertation takes a step towards providing a better understanding of post-socialist welfare state development from a theoretical as well as an empirical perspective. The overall analytical goal of this thesis has been to critically assess the development of social policies in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania using them as illustrative examples of post-socialist welfare state development in the light of the theories, approaches and typologies that have been developed to study affluent capitalist democracies. The four studies included in this dissertation aspire to a common aim in a number of specific ways. The first study tries to place the ideal-typical welfare state models of the Baltic States within the well-known welfare state typologies. At the same time, it provides a rich overview of the main social security institutions in the three countries by comparing them with each other and with the previous structures of the Soviet period. It examines the social insurance institutions of the Baltic States (old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, short-term benefits, sickness, maternity and parental insurance and family benefits) with respect to conditions of eligibility, replacement rates, financing and contributions. The findings of this study indicate that the Latvian social security system can generally be labelled as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models. The Estonian social security system can generally also be characterised as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models, even if there are some weak elements of the targeted model in it. It appears that the institutional changes developing in the social security system of Lithuania have led to a combination of the basic security and targeted models of the welfare state. Nevertheless, as the example of the three Baltic States shows, there is diversity in how these countries solve problems within the field of social policy. In studying the social security schemes in detail, some common features were found that could be attributed to all three countries. Therefore, the critical analysis of the main social security institutions of the Baltic States in this study gave strong supporting evidence in favour of identifying the post-socialist regime type that is already gaining acceptance within comparative welfare state research. Study Two compares the system of social maintenance and insurance in the Soviet Union, which was in force in the three Baltic countries before their independence, with the currently existing social security systems. The aim of the essay is to highlight the forces that have influenced the transformation of the social policy from its former highly universal, albeit authoritarian, form, to the less universal, social insurance-based systems of present-day Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. This study demonstrates that the welfare–economy nexus is not the only important factor in the development of social programs. The results of this analysis revealed that people's attitudes towards distributive justice and the developmental level of civil society also play an important part in shaping social policies. The shift to individualism in people’s mentality and the decline of the labour movement, or, to be more precise, the decline in trade union membership and influence, does nothing to promote the development of social rights in the Baltic countries and hinders the expansion of social policies. The legacy of the past has been another important factor in shaping social programs. It can be concluded that social policy should be studied as if embedded not only in the welfare-economy nexus, but also in the societal, historical and cultural nexus of a given society. Study Three discusses the views of the state elites on family policy within a wider theoretical setting covering family policy and social policy in a broader sense and attempts to expand this analytical framework to include other post-socialist countries. The aim of this essay is to explore the various views of the state elites in the Baltics concerning family policy and, in particular, family benefits as one of the possible explanations for the observed policy differences. The qualitative analyses indicate that the Baltic States differ significantly with regard to the motives behind their family policies. Lithuanian decision-makers seek to reduce poverty among families with children and enhance the parents’ responsibility for bringing up their children. Latvian policy-makers act so as to increase the birth rate and create equal opportunities for children from all families. Estonian policy-makers seek to create equal opportunities for all children and the desire to enhance gender equality is more visible in the case of Estonia in comparison with the other two countries. It is strongly arguable that there is a link between the underlying motives and the kinds of family benefits in a given country. This study, thus, indicates how intimately the attitudes of the state bureaucrats, policy-makers, political elite and researchers shape social policy. It confirms that family policy is a product of the prevailing ideology within a country, while the potential influence of globalisation and Europeanisation is detectable too. The final essay takes into account the opinions of welfare users and examines the performances of the institutionalised family benefits by relying on the recipients’ opinions regarding these benefits. The opinions of the populations as a whole regarding government efforts to help families are compared with those of the welfare users. Various family benefits are evaluated according to the recipients' satisfaction with those benefits as well as the contemporaneous levels of subjective satisfaction with the welfare programs related to the absolute level of expenditure on each program. The findings of this paper indicate that, in Latvia, people experience a lower level of success regarding state-run family insurance institutions, as compared to those in Lithuania and Estonia. This is deemed to be because the cash benefits for families and children in Latvia are, on average, seen as marginally influencing the overall financial situation of the families concerned. In Lithuania and Estonia, the overwhelming majority think that the family benefit systems improve the financial situation of families. It appears that recipients evaluated universal family benefits as less positive than targeted benefits. Some universal benefits negatively influenced the level of general satisfaction with the family benefits system provided in the countries being researched. This study puts forward a discussion about whether universalism is always more legitimate than targeting. In transitional economies, in which resources are highly constrained, some forms of universal benefits could turn out to be very expensive in relative terms, without being seen as useful or legitimate forms of help to families. In sum, by closely examining the different aspects of social policy, this dissertation goes beyond the over-generalisation of Eastern European welfare state development and, instead, takes a more detailed look at what is really going on in these countries through the examples of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. In addition, another important contribution made by this study is that it revives ‘western’ theoretical knowledge through ‘eastern’ empirical evidence and provides the opportunity to expand the theoretical framework for post-socialist societies.

Il Pluralismo tra Democrazia ed Autoritarismo: Il Caso Russo

The research explores the mechanisms in the formation and consolidation of a new regime which combines democratic and authoritarian features; it has emerged as result of democratization processes affecting different world areas in recent years. The study analyses a case of great international significance, post-communist Russia: here internal factors strongly prevail in front of the external variables of democratic imitation and contagion, thus showing to what extent Russia differs from other political contexts. The study intends to examine the strategies used by this regime to solve internal conflicts and become stable in spite of the democratizing pressures coming from outside. Indeed, the literature about political transformations has shown the problems in analyzing these polities together with the need to examine their peculiarities more in depth. In this perspective, the first section focuses on the dynamics of State-building in Russia as a fundamental process in tracing the specific characteristics of the current regime: particularly, it is suggested that the State dimension comes out as crucial in determining the level of political and social pluralism accepted in post-Soviet Russia. This argument is worked out in the second section, which analyses the main mechanisms used by the incumbents to limit and control pluralism within the two arenas of political competition and civil society, from where the major threats to the status quo are supposed to come. The main hypothesis is that the leadership interventions in these spheres during the last ten years have shaped a regime which can be characterized as a new type of authoritarianism: with respect to traditional authoritarian forms a certain degree of political contestation is accepted, visible in the presence of a multiparty system, semi-competitive elections and of the several representatives of civil society. Yet, this diversity is curbed basically in two different ways: from one hand the incumbents provide support to political and social actors who sponsor government politics (see the party of power and pro-Kremlin movements). From the other they use some non coercive forms of control and restriction (in legislation, in political elections) against those actors who promote values and priorities opposed to the official ones.

La democrazia deliberativa negli Stati Uniti: teoria e prassi

This dissertation aims to analyse the development of the deliberative model of democracy in the U.S., both in an empirical and theoretical levels, from its origins in the eighties of the last century until now. In the first part we study the political and historical elements that build the crisis of the Liberal political system in the seventies in the U.S. and its effects on the political behaviour of citizens. In the second part we discuss the origins and development of the deliberative theory of democracy, its main authors, approaches and elements. The key aspect of this model of democracy is to reverse the apathy and strength the political participation of citizens through public deliberation. In the last part we expose the practical level of the deliberative democracy: how this theory of has been put into practice in the American political domain. We describe the main projects of deliberative democracy rose from civil society from the eighties until today. Finally, we expose the James Fishkin’s proposal of deliberative poll. This is the link between the empirical and theoretical levels of the deliberative model of democracy.

Frauen und AIDS in Tansania /// Arbeitspapiere / Institut für Ethnologie und Afrikastudien ; 60

Mehr als die Hälfte aller HIV-positiven Tansanier sind Frauen. Ihre schwächere gesellschaftliche Stellung ist einer der Faktoren, der dazu beiträgt, dass sie einem erhöhten Infektionsrisiko ausgesetzt sind. Aufgrund geringerer Bildungschancen und einer anhaltenden gesellschaftlichen Idealvorstellung von der Frau als Mutter sind Frauen auch auf dem Arbeitsmarkt benachteiligt. Im Kontext von HIV/AIDS werden afrikanische Frauen häufig als passive Opfer der Epidemie dargestellt und es wird zu selten aufgezeigt, wie sie als Akteure eigene Strategien im Kampf gegen die Krankheit entwickeln. In letzter Zeit gewinnen Frauenorganisationen an Bedeutung, denn viele Frauen wollen ausdrücklich eigenverantwortlich und ohne Männer arbeiten. Eine solche Organisation ist die in meiner Arbeit vorgestellte NGO KIWAMWAKU („Kikundi cha Wanawake Mwanga kupambana na Ukimwi“ – Vereinigung von Frauen aus Mwanga zum Kampf gegen AIDS). Meine Forschung hat gezeigt, dass Frauen ihre gesellschaftliche Stellung durch das Engagement in einer NGO verbessern können. Sie können ein eigenes Einkommen erwirtschaften und nützliche Kenntnisse etwa in der Führung einer Organisation erlangen. Allerdings profitieren nicht alle Beteiligten gleichermaßen. Die drei Leiterinnen der erforschten NGO verfügten über die meisten Vorteile; sie profitierten finanziell, aber auch ideell, denn sie genossen durch ihre Arbeit hohes Ansehen im gesamten Mwanga-Distrikt. Dagegen konnten einige der Klientinnen nur in sehr geringem Maße von Interventionen profitieren. Letztlich bin ich jedoch überzeugt davon, dass durch solche Frauenorganisationen ein wichtiger Prozess angestoßen worden ist, durch den Frauen mittel- oder langfristig eine stärkere Stellung innerhalb der tansanischen Gesellschaft erlangen können, was sich wiederum positiv auf die immer noch steigenden HIV/AIDS-Infektionsraten auswirken kann.

For God'sake! Lift the embargo to Spain

Intorno alla metà degli anni trenta la Spagna diventò il centro dell’attenzione del mondo e tutte le grandi potenze internazionali, vecchie e nuove, vennero coinvolte, in misura diversa, nella guerra civile. Già nell’agosto del 1936, un mese dopo l’esplosione del conflitto, tutti gli Stati più rappresentativi caldeggiavano l’ipotesi di una politica comune di “non intervento”. Il ruolo guida in tal senso venne assunto dal governo inglese, capace di dissuadere, in tempi estremamente rapidi, il governo frontista francese di Leon Blum dall’intento di sostenere economicamente e militarmente il legittimo governo repubblicano spagnolo. La preoccupazione che il conflitto potesse degenerare in uno scontro più generale fu quindi la ragione principale per la quale qualche settimana dopo nacque il “Comitato di Non Intervento”, cui aderirono ben ventisette nazioni europee tra cui Francia, Inghilterra, URSS, Italia, Germania e Portogallo. Il mio progetto di ricerca dottorale esamina il ruolo, le scelte ed i relativi dibattiti in merito all’unica grande potenza, gli Stati Uniti d’America, che, pur scegliendo di rimanere neutrale, si astenne dal partecipare al suddetto Comitato. In ambito statunitense particolare rilievo assumono due aspetti del dibattito politico sulla Spagna: il primo maturato in seno all’Amministrazione Roosevelt, il secondo elaborato dalla componente Liberal della coalizione del New Deal attraverso i settimanali, “The Nation” e “The New Republic”. Il confronto pubblico acceso dalla guerra civile spagnola fu infatti l’occasione per la società civile americana per dibattere apertamente e francamente circa l’opportunità e la capacità della nazione di assumere o meno un ruolo internazionale corrispondente al prestigio socio-economico in via di acquisizione a livello mondiale. Approfondire ed esaminare il dibattito sulla guerra civile spagnola negli USA significa dunque andare alla ricerca delle radici culturali di quello che sarà uno dei più vasti ed articolati confronti politici e teorici del ventesimo secolo: l’internazionalismo americano.

Reti socievoli: l’impatto dei social networks nella costruzione dello spazio pubblico

La tesi si è consolidata nell’analisi dell’impatto dei social networks nella costruzione dello spazio pubblico, nella sfera di osservazione che è la rete e il web2.0. Osservando che il paradigma della società civile si sia modificato. Ridefinendo immagini e immaginari e forme di autorappresentazione sui new media (Castells, 2010). Nel presupposto che lo spazio pubblico “non è mai una realtà precostituita” (Innerarity, 2008) ma si muove all’interno di reti che generano e garantiscono socievolezza. Nell’obiettivo di capire cosa è spazio pubblico. Civic engagement che si rafforza in spazi simbolici (Sassen, 2008), nodi d’incontro significativi. Ivi cittadini-consumatori avanzano corresponsabilmente le proprie istanze per la debacle nei governi.. Cultura partecipativa che prende mossa da un nuovo senso civico mediato che si esprime nelle “virtù” del consumo critico. Portando la politica sul mercato. Cultura civica autoattualizzata alla ricerca di soluzioni alle crisi degli ultimi anni. Potere di una comunicazione che riduce il mondo ad un “villaggio globale” e mettono in relazione i pubblici connessi in spazi e tempi differenti, dando origine ad azioni collettive come nel caso degli Indignados, di Occupy Wall Street o di Rai per una notte. Emerge un (ri)pensare la citizenship secondo due paradigmi (Bennett,2008): l’uno orientato al governo attraverso i partiti, modello “Dutiful Citizenship”; l’altro, modello “Self Actualizing Citizenship” per cui i pubblici attivi seguono news ed eventi, percepiscono un minor obbligo nel governo, il voto è meno significativo per (s)fiducia nei media e nei politici. Mercato e società civile si muovono per il bene comune e una nuova “felicità”. La partecipazione si costituisce in consumerismo politico all’interno di reti in cui si sviluppano azioni individuali attraverso il social networking e scelte di consumo responsabile. Partendo dall’etnografia digitale, si è definito il modello “4 C”: Conoscenza > Coadesione > Co-partecipazione > Corresposabilità (azioni collettive) > Cultura-bility.