835 resultados para international economic relations


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A recent literature has developed on modelling mortality in multiple populations together. The purpose of this paper is to suggest a reason why mortality in different populations may be related based on an economic literature on technology and knowledge diffusion.

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This briefing provides a brief overview of recent patterns and processes of migration to Northern Ireland and to identify the major challenges arising for society. It is based on primary research conducted by the author during 2013 that consisted mainly of focus groups and interviews with individual migrants. This briefing paper proceeds as follows: it identifies the key features of recent migration to Northern Ireland before presenting evidence from the research to show the experiences of migrants in the labour market. The key policy questions to be considered will be the role of the state and civil society for building positive inter-group relations and the opportunities that exist for migrants to achieve economic and social mobility.

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This article investigates the extent to which economic ideology affects people's support for European Union integration and how this is conditioned by economic context. We argue that people on the economic left who live in a country with conditions of high income inequality and little state ownership will support European integration, because more integration would move public policy in a left-wing direction. By contrast, people on the left who live in a country with conditions of low income inequality and widespread public ownership are likely to be eurosceptic, as further integration would result in a more right-wing public policy. We empirically confirm our hypotheses and discuss the implications for European Union democracy.

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This article argues that the expansion of individual employment rights is presenting a series of challenges to the collective model of economic citizenship that prevailed in most of the Anglo-American world during the last century. We examine developments in the management of workplace conflict in Anglo-American countries to highlight the institutional manoeuvrings that have been taking place to mould the nature of national regimes of employment rights. We argue that Governments almost everywhere are actively seeking to create institutional regimes that weaken the impact of employment legislation and we find that statutory dispute resolution agencies are eagerly trying to develop organizational identities that are aligned with rights-based employment disputes.

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This article is a short introduction to a special section on economic ideas and the political construction of the financial crash. It begins by explaining why economic ideas and the politics of appeals to certain ideas are so integral to the historical significance of the crash of 2008 and the question of whether it can be considered a crash at all. The first section covers the literature on ideas and economic crisis. The second section highlights that the contribution of the special section is to engage in a stock taking exercise of the empirical and conceptual patterns concerning the politics of ideational change underway in the areas of: comparative fiscal policy; monetary policy and Euro zone debt management; capital controls; and financial and securities market regulation and standard setting. The final section outlines the structure of this special section and content of the individual articles.

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Esta tese propõe-se examinar o papel e estatuto do Inglês nos negócios internacionais na China, tomando como enquadramento a transformação deste país desde 1978 até ao presente. No quadro actual da globalização e internacionalização sociais e económicas, apresenta-se uma perspectiva das tendências demográficas e padrões económicos bem como a situação social e cultural actual da China. A relação entre a língua inglesa e práticas e valores associados e a cultura dos negócios na China também foi investigada através de um trabalho de campo realizado em empresas nacionais e internacionais, localizadas em diferentes regiões da China, em 2007 e 2008. Através dos resultados deste estudo, reconhecemos a máxima importância atribuída tanto à língua inglesa como à comunicação intercultural pela população inquirida, sublinhando a necessidade de desenvolver as competências interculturais e linguísticas orientadas para a gestão eficiente dos negócios. Com base nos nossos resultados, pode ser extraída a conclusão de que o Inglês funciona como uma ferramenta principal e um abrir de caminhos para encurtar a lacuna linguística e cultural entre as diferentes comunidades empresariais. Ajuda a China a adaptar-se e interagir com outras culturas e chegar harmoniosamente ao principio “win-win”, ou seja, alcançar o sucesso esperado nos negócios internacionais de hoje. Por outro lado, torna-se claro que os papéis, a natureza e o estatuto do Inglês/”Englishes” evoluem a par de processos de mudança social, cultural e económica. Prevê-se que esta evolução continuará, ficando a paisagem linguística mais complexa. Espera-se que este trabalho contribua para a melhor compreensão das relações entre a China e o resto do mundo.

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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-03

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In this paper we argue that Niccolò Machiavelli has little to do with Realism in International Relations theory. By concentrating, as Machaivelli did, on the walls that define political relations—both inside and outside the polity—we find his insights deeply rooted in the specific political contexts of Sixteenth century Italy. Others may wish to generalize from them, but Machiavelli did not. In fact, as we show, Machiavelli was mindful of the difficulties of generalizing about walls and acknowledged the dangers political actors faced in navigating between the internal and external walls of the polity. We examine the geopolitical contours of Machiavelli’s walls and seek to demonstrate how morality is present in these historical spaces. In contrast to Realists, Machiavelli was ready and willing to make ethical judgments. We argue that theorists of international politics should exercise care in reaching for Machiavelli as the iconic thinker for making sense of anarchy in world politics. This article concludes by suggesting that the ideology of Machiavellianism has obscured deeper understanding of the particular contexts of Machiavelli’s own world.