From privatisation to nationalisation: Repsol-YPF, 1999–2012

In April 2012 Argentinean Government nationalized 51% of Repsol shares in YPF. Expropiation of YPF is a new step in a broad list of protectionist and interventionist decisions, such as the nationalization of Aerolíneas Argentinas, nationalization of private pension plans, or the amendments of the Central Bank regulations to make the use of reserves more flexible. Institutions set the rules of the game for citizens and companies, allowing incentives and creating expectations. Nationalization of the above mentioned Argentinean companies has created legal uncertainty bringing a relevant increase in the risk premium as a result. Privatization of YPF and its later nationalization, together with the company shareholder composition, and resulting international disputes will be addressed in this article.

La frontera enquistada: el reino de Murcia a fines de la Edad Media

Con el final de las grandes conquistas del siglo XIII, la frontera con el recién creado reino de Granada quedó prácticamente estancada. El presente artículo estudia la situación del territorio murciano y el efecto que la presencia de la cercana frontera ejerció sobre él. Se hace referencia a organización del territorio, a la concentración de la población en grandes núcleos como Lorca, Caravaca, Cehegín y otros. Se alude también a la función que la frontera murciana ejerció, como lugar de refugio político, en el contexto de las luchas internas de la región entabladas en el siglo XV. Todo ello permite a los autores trazar un amplio parorama sobre la realidad de la región murciana durante el último siglo de la Edad Media e, incluso, analizar las repercusiones que tuvo para el territorio murciano la desaparición del reino nazarí de Granada tras su capitulación en 1492.

Representativeness, legitimacy and power in public involvement in health-care management

Public participation in health-service management is an increasingly prominent policy internationally. Frequently, though, academic studies have found it marginalized by health professionals who, keen to retain control over decision-making, undermine the legitimacy of involved members of the public, in particular by questioning their representativeness. This paper examines this negotiation of representative legitimacy between staff and involved users by drawing on a qualitative study of service-user involvement in pilot cancer-genetics services recently introduced in England, using interviews, participant observation and documentary analysis. In contrast to the findings of much of the literature, health professionals identified some degree of representative legitimacy in the contributions made by users. However, the ways in which staff and users constructed representativeness diverged significantly. Where staff valued the identities of users as biomedical and lay subjects, users themselves described the legitimacy of their contribution in more expansive terms of knowledge and citizenship. My analysis seeks to show how disputes over representativeness relate not just to a struggle for power according to contrasting group interests, but also to a substantive divergence in understanding of the nature of representativeness in the context of state-orchestrated efforts to increase public participation. This divergence might suggest problems with the enactment of such aspirations in practice; alternatively, however, contestation of representative legitimacy might be understood as reflecting ambiguities in policy-level objectives for participation, which secure implementation by accommodating the divergent constructions of those charged with putting initiatives into practice.

Trabalho e família: um estudo da interação de papéis com secretários executivos

The balance between the demands of two important spheres of human life, work and family, has become a challenge due to the pressures of the contemporary that is expanding around the difficulties of reconciling these two comínios. In this sense, this research aimed to understand the work-family interaction in the perception of executive secretaries. The analysis approach used was qualitative research, by worrying about a reality that can not be quantified due to the subjectivity of his goal. The data collection technique used was the semistructured interview to twenty executive secretaries, servants of a Federal Institution of Higher Education. For the understanding and interpretation of the data, we used the technique of content analysis. The results of both analyzes identified the existence of conflict as enrichment in this interaction. The time was identified as the largest generator of conflict work. The overload, relationship stress and conflict emerged as elements common to both domains. As main implications of labor disputes, were revealed: problamas health for secretaries and stress. As main implications of family conflicts emerged: motivation for work, lower performance and lack of concentration. The attempt at balance was identified as the strategy most used by secretaries to minimize work-family conflict. The work-family enrichment was seen as resources that contribute to improving the lives of the secretary in both domains. The opportunity to add knowledge was highlighted as enriching element of work and family values ​​as elements enriching family. The support and experience emerged as enrichment items common to both domains. Regarding the implications of enrichment resulting from the interaction of work and family, the more perceived by respondents were: increased knowledge and skills, material and psychological benefits, improved quality of life and personal and professional fulfillment. From the perception of executive secretaries, work and family spheres of human life are essential and complementary, and that help is contrary, however, this relationship is the primary management of conflicts, ie, how the individual sees and manages the negative side of the work-family

"Os Conflitos ambientais em Portugal (1974-2015): uma breve retrospectiva"

In this chapter, the authors made a survey of the research undertaken by social scientists and their reflections on environmental conflicts in Portugal. In these, a critical discourse has emerged concerning, on the one hand, the weak public environmental awareness, and, on the other, the progressive obliteration of environmental movements and their institutionalization throughout the creation of different environmental groups and the incorporation of the “environment” in legislation and in political discourse. In a brief retrospective, we review several conflicts taking into account different relevant factors: level of mobilization, media attention received, organization, impact, and ideological reference they have had in Portugal since the seventies. We have particularly highlighted the movement against nuclear energy and the construction of dams, the pollution caused by intensive breeding, the expansion of eucalyptus plantations, the conflicts against “wild” forms of mining, the business of toxic waste, the expansion of the economy of the concrete, the installation of landfills, and the defense of the natural heritage. This survey has considered three periods: the 1970s, marked by the emergence and performance of ecological movements of different ideological extraction; the second half of the 1980s, marked by the institutionalization of the environment and the imposition of a new legal framework with impact on environmental policies resulting from the integration into the European Economic Community; and finally, a third period, from the 1990s to present, marked by increasing environmental media coverage, with a particular emphasis on environmental conflicts in a context of an increasing liberalization of economic activities and the expansion of extraction and of the concrete economy. This is also the period where the environment emerges in disputes over the uses of the territory as economic and asset value. Most of these conflicts arise from the activities of local agents or national environmental groups that quickly gain strong local roots and sometimes even have some success. However, their impact on the national and Community legislation seems to be less relevant.

El procedimiento abreviado como mecanismo jurídico para efectivizar principios constitucionales

Frente a una nueva postura no solo dentro del sistema penal ecuatoriano sino en la mayoría de las legislaciones latinoamericanas, con orígenes europeos y norteamericanos, se encuentra una política criminal de agilidad, eficiencia, negociación, eficacia y rapidez, tendiente a solucionar los conflictos penales que a diario se ventilan mediante procedimientos especiales, distintos al procedimiento tradicional llamado Procedimiento Ordinario. Es por ello que el presente trabajo busca analizar y establecer en base al Código Orgánico Integral Penal los procedimientos especiales, particularizando nuestro estudio en el Procedimiento Abreviado, en relación a su normativa, aplicación, efectividad, haciendo un análisis conciso sobre sus antecedentes, naturaleza y sustanciación, sosteniendo en base a principios constitucionales la correcta y adecuada aplicación de éste novedoso procedimiento. Para tal propósito, es necesario dentro del Capítulo I tratar el Proceso Penal y su reseña histórica en el Ecuador seguida por un análisis de los principios constitucionales, para luego, en el Capítulo II hacer referencia a los sujetos procesales que intervienen en el procedimiento penal; el Capítulo lll trata sobre los procedimientos especiales, finalizando en el Capítulo IV con el estudio del Procedimiento Abreviado como tal.

Funcionamento e organização da Educação Infantil : elementos subjetivos de uma equipe municipal

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação, 2016.

A regulação diante da evolução da essencialidade do serviço público : a reclassificação da banda larga como serviço de telecomunicações nos Estados Unidos

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, 2016.

Pirates, Exiles, and Empire: English Seamen, Atlantic Expansion, and Jamaican Settlement, 1558-1658

A life of piracy offered marginal men a profession with a degree of autonomy, despite the brand of “outlaw” and the fear of prosecution. At various times throughout history, governments and crowned heads suspended much of their piracy prosecution, licensing men to work as “privateers” for the state, supplementing naval forces. This practice has a long history, but in sixteenth-century England, Elizabeth I (1558-1603) significantly altered this tradition. Recognizing her own weakness in effectively prosecuting these men and the profit they could contribute to the government, Elizabeth began incorporating pirates into the English naval corps in peacetime—not just in war. This practice increased English naval resources, income, and presence in the emerging Atlantic World, but also increased conflict with the powerful Spanish empire. By 1605, making peace with Spain, James VI/I (1603-1625) retracted Elizabeth’s privateering promotion, prompting an emigration of English seamen to the American outposts they had developed in the previous century. Now exiles, no longer beholden to the Crown, seamen reverted back to piracy. The Carolinas and Jamaica served as bases for these rover communities. In 1650, the revolutionary leader Oliver Cromwell (1649-1658) once again recognized the merits of such policies. Determined to demonstrate his authority and solidify his rule, Cromwell offered citizenship and state support to Caribbean exiles in exchange for their aiding of his navy in the taking of Spanish Jamaica. Official chartering of Port Royal, Jamaica served as reward for these men’s efforts and as the culmination of a century-long cycle of piracy legislation, creating one of England’s most lucrative colonies in the middle of a traditionally Spanish Caribbean empire. Through legal and diplomatic records, correspondence, and naval and demographic records from England and Spain, this dissertation explores early modern piracy/privateering policy and its impact on the development of the Atlantic World. European disputes and imperial competition converged in these piracy debates with significant consequences for the definitions of criminality and citizenship and for the development of Atlantic empire.

Identity, ideology, and cinema: Making sense of Japan's foreign and security policies in the 1950s and 2000s

Japan is an important ally of the United States–the world’s third biggest economy, and one of the regional great powers in Asia. Making sense of Japan’s foreign and security policies is crucial for the future of peace and stability in Northeast Asia, where the possible sources of conflict such as territorial disputes or the disputes over Japan’s war legacy issues are observed.^ This dissertation explored Japan’s foreign and security policies based on Japan’s identities and unconscious ideologies. It employed an analysis of selected Japanese films from the late 1940s to the late 1950s, as well as from the late 1990s to the mid-2000s. The analysis demonstrated that Japan’s foreign and security policies could be understood in terms of a broader social narrative that was visible in Japanese popular cultural products, including films and literatures. Narratives of Japanese families from the patriarch’s point of view, for example, had constantly shaped Japan’s foreign and security policies. As a result, the world was ordered hierarchically in the eyes of the Japan Self. In the 1950s, Japan tenaciously constructed close but asymmetrical security relations with the U.S. in which Japan willingly subjugated itself to the U.S. In the 2000s, Japan again constructed close relations with the U.S. by doing its best to support American responses to the 9/11 terrorist attacks by mobilizing Japan’s SDFs in the way Japan had never done in the past.^ The concepts of identity and unconscious ideology are helpful in understanding how Japan’s own understanding of self, of others, and of the world have shaped its own behaviors. These concepts also enable Japan to reevaluate its own behaviors reflexively, which departs from existing alternative approaches. This study provided a critical analytical explanation of the dynamics at work in Japan’s sense of identity, particularly with regard to its foreign and security policies.^

É possível acompanhar o luto? Envolvimento associativo a famílias vulneráveis em face da perda de seres íntimos

Partindo da análise das lógicas de ação solidária, propõem-se com esta comunicação refletir sobre os princípios que poderão ter contribuído para uma alteração das sensibilidades e compaixões dos cidadãos relativamente aos quadros sociais do sofrimento humano, dando lugar a diferentes quadrantes de operações criticas na prossecução de um bem comum. O sentimento de vulnerabilidade, associado às “vítimas de luto”, poderá ser um dos fatores promotores de diferentes interpretações críticas e manifestações coletivas de indignação que é denunciada publicamente pelas associações do luto, originando controvérsias, disputas e conflitos. As controvérsias públicas, que diferentes gramáticas de motivação conduzem os atores a associar-se, em consequência do cruzamento das intenções individuais e coletivas, perseguem um fim comum sujeito a um acordo (umas vezes mais precário, outras vezes menos precário). O tipo de acordo e as modalidades de cooperação da ação são aspetos fundamentais para perceber, por um lado qual a gramática política em que se baseiam na generalidade as associações, que existem atualmente na sociedade portuguesa, e por outro lado, as novas práticas sociais por elas desenvolvidas enformadas pelos princípios da solidariedade e participação. Apresentar-se-ão alguns dados preliminares de um estudo, no sentido de compreender e explicar os diferentes regimes de envolvimento associativo em torno do luto, partindo do singular para o geral: o regime familiar, o regime de plano e o regime público, diferenciados em função do julgamento feito pelo atores em situação.

Turning conflict into coexistence: cross-cutting ties and institutions in the agro-pastoral borderlands of Lake Naivasha basin, Kenya

The Maasai/Kikuyu agro-pastoral borderlands of Maiella and Enoosupukia, located in the hinterlands of Lake Naivasha’s agro-industrial hub, are particularly notorious in the history of ethnicised violence in the Kenya’s Rift Valley. In October 1993, an organised assault perpetrated by hundreds of Maasai vigilantes, with the assistance of game wardens and administration police, killed more than 20 farmers of Kikuyu descent. Consequently, thousands of migrant farmers were violently evicted from Enoosupukia at the instigation of leading local politicians. Nowadays, however, intercommunity relations are surprisingly peaceful and the cooperative use of natural resources is the rule rather than the exception. There seems to be a form of reorganization. Violence seems to be contained and the local economy has since recovered. This does not mean that there is no conflict, but people seem to have the facility to solve them peacefully. How did formerly violent conflicts develop into peaceful relations? How did competition turn into cooperation, facilitating changing land use? This dissertation explores the value of cross-cutting ties and local institutions in peaceful relationships and the non-violent resolution of conflicts across previously violently contested community boundaries. It mainly relies on ethnographic data collected between 2014 and 2015. The discussion therefore builds on several theoretical approaches in anthropology and the social sciences – that is, violent conflicts, cross-cutting ties and conflicting loyalties, joking relationships, peace and nonviolence, and institutions, in order to understand shared spaces that are experiencing fairly rapid social and economic changes, and characterised by conflict and coexistence. In the researched communities, cross-cutting ties and the split allegiances associated with them result from intermarriages, land transactions, trade, and friendship. By institutions, I refer to local peace committees, an attempt to standardise an aspect of customary law, and Nyumba Kumi, a strategy of anchoring community policing at the household level. In 2010, the state “implanted” these grassroots-level institutions and conferred on them the rights to handle specific conflicts and to prevent crime. I argue that the studied groups utilise diverse networks of relationships as adaptive responses to landlessness, poverty, and socio-political dynamics at the local level. Material and non-material exchanges and transfers accompany these social and economic ties and networks. In addition to being instrumental in nurturing a cohesive social fabric, I argue that such alliances could be thought of as strategies of appropriation of resources in the frontiers – areas that are considered to have immense agricultural potential and to be conducive to economic enterprise. Consequently, these areas are continuously changed and shaped through immigration, population growth, and agricultural intensification. However, cross-cutting ties and intergroup alliances may not necessarily prevent the occurrence or escalation of conflicts. Nevertheless, disputes and conflicts, which form part of the social order in the studied area, create the opportunities for locally contextualised systems of peace and non-violence that inculcate the values of cooperation, coexistence, and restraint from violence. Although the neo-traditional institutions (local peace committees and Nyumba Kumi) face massive complexities and lack the capacity to handle serious conflicts, their application of informal constraints in dispute resolution provides room for some optimism. Notably, the formation of ties and alliances between the studied groups, and the use of local norms and values to resolve disputes, are not new phenomena – they are reminiscent of historical patterns. Their persistence, particularly in the context of Kenya, indicates a form of historical continuity, which remains rather “undisturbed” despite the prevalence of ethnicised political economies. Indeed, the formation of alliances, which are driven by mutual pursuit of commodities (livestock, rental land, and agricultural produce), markets, and diversification, tends to override other identities. While the major thrust of social science literature in East Africa has focused on the search for root causes of violence, very little has been said about the conditions and practices of cooperation and non-violent conflict resolution. In addition, situations where prior violence turned into peaceful interaction have attracted little attention, though the analysis of such transitional phases holds the promise of contributing to applicable knowledge on conflict resolution. This study is part of a larger multidisciplinary project, “Resilience in East African Landscapes” (REAL), which is a Marie Curie Actions Innovative Training Networks (ITN) project. The principal focus of this multidisciplinary project is to study past, present, and future thresholds and sustainable trajectories in human-landscape interactions in East Africa over the last millennia. While other individual projects focus on long-term ecosystem dynamics and societal interactions, my project examines human-landscape interactions in the present and the very recent past (i.e. the period in which events and processes were witnessed or can still be recalled by today’s population). The transition from conflict to coexistence and from competition to cooperative use of previously violently contested land resources is understood here as enhancing adaptation in the face of social-political, economic, environmental, and climatic changes. This dissertation is therefore a contribution to new modes of resilience in human-landscape interactions after a collapse situation.

La montée du fascisme et de la Grande Dépression en Allemagne, vue par la presse de France, de Grande-Bretagne et des États-Unis (1930-32)

Dans les années 1931-32, les disputes à propos du traité de Versailles accompagnent la montée du fascisme et de la Grande Dépression en Allemagne. Les dirigeants anglosaxons ont justifié leur appui du Reich par leurs opinions publiques et des historiens ont expliqué que ces dernières s’étaient bercées d’illusions sur les enjeux allemands. Mais quelles étaient et d’où provenaient-elles ? Notre étude de quotidiens français, américains et britanniques montre qu’elles n’étaient pas uniquement constituées d’erreurs d’appréciation des réalités objectives, mais aussi de faits occultés, d’inventions, d’une guerre médiatique justifiant les choix de certains dirigeants financiers et politiques anglo-saxons. La diffusion rapide des mêmes inventions des deux côtés de l’Atlantique suggère l’existence de canaux de « fabrique d’opinions » entre l’Allemagne, la Grande-Bretagne, et les États-Unis.

Empleo de la diplomacia preventiva por parte de la Organización de Naciones Unidas en el conflicto de Kosovo de 1998-1999

En el interés de alcanzar la estabilidad y promover el mantenimiento de la paz internacional, la diplomacia preventiva nace como un concepto generador de estrategias encaminadas a actuar antes, durante y después del conflicto. El siguiente documento busca analizar el funcionamiento de los instrumentos de diplomacia preventiva empleados por las Naciones Unidas en la crisis de Kosovo de 1998 y 1999. Esta crisis surgida a raíz del conflicto entre el gobierno serbio y un movimiento disidente, conocido como el Ejército de Liberación Albano-Kosovar, que pretendía darle un perfil más autónomo al territorio y a la población albano-kosovar, reveló una serie de debilidades estructurales que sigue enfrentando este mecanismo en la resolución de conflictos étnicos al interior de los Estados.

Degradación ambiental y conflictos armados: las conexiones

"La seguridad ambiental es un concepto complejo que puede ser analizado desde varios enfoques. La conexión entre degradación ambiental, escasez de recursos, poco desarrollo económico e inestabilidad política puede generar rápidamente conflictos llamados ambientales, terrorismo ecológico y guerras verdes. Sin embargo, en la mayoría de las investigaciones sobre degradación ambiental y conflictos armados no se tienen en cuenta los factores desarrollo económico y régimen político, pues se considera que los problemas ambientales pueden, por sí solos, conducir a situaciones conflictivas nacionales, regionales e internacionales. En este contexto, los propósitos de este artículo son plantear las diferentes tendencias ideológicas de la seguridad ambiental, definir el contenido y las causas de los conflictos ambientales y proponer un marco analítico complementario que incluya las variables políticas y económicas como generadoras de conflictos ambientales y de conflictos armados de alta intensidad. Al final, se propone una agenda de investigación en materia de seguridad ambiental para Colombia."