Guia para representação de coleção viva temática de plantas medicinais em jardins botânicos

O cenário mundial que foi se desenhando na segunda metade do século XX, relacionado às questões do ambiente e cujos reflexos se fizeram sentir no estado das espécies vivas, despertou as autoridades a pensarem em ações estratégicas garantidoras da vida. Dessa preocupação emergiu o compromisso assumido por jardins botânicos, voltado para o desenvolvimento de programas de conservação da diversidade vegetal e educação ambiental, capazes de promover mudanças na forma de pensar as questões relacionadas com o ambiente. As coleções vivas em jardins botânicos se colocam como instrumentos e cenário para trabalhar questões ambientais, promovendo debates e discussões sobre questões que afetam a vida. Neste sentido, a coleção medicinal, por sua constituição, facilita o trabalho construtivo, as articulações e conexões necessárias para despertar interesse do público através do reconhecimento dos seus significados da vida cotidiana. A experiência na condução da coleção, a observação ostensiva e o desenvolvimento de atividades evidenciaram o potencial da coleção medicinal como lugar de experiência, que permite trabalhar com uma diversidade de grupos: o público em geral, grupos comunitários, de saber popular, comunidade científica na área da medicina, da farmácia, da divulgação científica, da educação ambiental, da etnobotânica e da biologia. Assim, um guia contemplando os itens que facilitam o trabalho do curador é uma maneira de estimular a representação dessa tipologia de coleção em jardins botânicos e, por conseguinte, permitir que seu jardim desempenhe o papel de interlocutor entre ciência e sociedade e venha a ser protagonista da mudança para uma nova forma de relação com os recursos naturais.

International civil society actors in Genetically Modificied Organisms as a field of struggle: a neo-gramscian study in Brazil and the United Kingdom

Since the international financial and food crisis that started in 2008, strong emphasis has been made on the importance of Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs) (or “transgenics”) under the claim that they could contribute to increase food productivity at a global level, as the world population is predicted to reach 9.1 billion in the year 2050 and food demand is predicted to increase by as much as 50% by 2030. GMOs are now at the forefront of the debates and struggles of different actors. Within civil society actors, it is possible to observe multiple, and sometime, conflicting roles. The role of international social movements and international NGOs in the GMO field of struggle is increasingly relevant. However, while many of these international civil society actors oppose this type of technological developments (alleging, for instance, environmental, health and even social harms), others have been reportedly cooperating with multinational corporations, retailers, and the biotechnology industry to promote GMOs. In this thesis research, I focus on analysing the role of “international civil society” in the GMO field of struggle by asking: “what are the organizing strategies of international civil society actors, such as NGOs and social movements, in GMO governance as a field of struggle?” To do so, I adopt a neo-Gramscian discourse approach based on the studies of Laclau and Mouffe. This theoretical approach affirms that in a particular hegemonic regime there are contingent alliances and forces that overpass the spheres of the state and the economy, while civil society actors can be seen as a “glue” to the way hegemony functions. Civil society is then the site where hegemony is consented, reproduced, sustained, channelled, but also where counter-hegemonic and emancipatory forces can emerge. Considering the importance of civil society actors in the construction of hegemony, I also discuss some important theories around them. The research combines, on the one hand, 36 in-depth interviews with a range of key civil society actors and scientists representing the GMO field of struggle in Brazil (19) and the UK (17), and, on the other hand, direct observations of two events: Rio+20 in Rio de Janeiro in 2012, and the first March Against Monsanto in London in 2013. A brief overview of the GMO field of struggle, from its beginning and especially focusing in the 1990s when the process of hegemonic formation became clearer, serves as the basis to map who are the main actors in this field, how resource mobilization works, how political opportunities (“historical contingencies”) are discovered and exploited, which are the main discourses (“science” and “sustainability” - articulated by “biodiversity preservation”, “food security” and “ecological agriculture”) articulated among the actors to construct a collective identity in order to attract new potential allies around “GMOs” (“nodal point”), and which are the institutions and international regulations within these processes that enable hegemony to emerge in meaningful and durable hegemonic links. This mapping indicates that that the main strategies applied by the international civil society actors are influenced by two central historical contingencies in the GMO field of struggle: 1) First Multi-stakeholder Historical Contingency; and 2) “Supposed” Hegemony Stability. These two types of historical contingency in the GMO field of struggle encompass deeper hegemonic articulations and, because of that, they induce international civil society actors to rethink the way they articulate and position themselves within the field. Therefore, depending on one of those moments, they will apply one specific strategy of discourse articulation, such as: introducing a new discourse in hegemony articulation to capture the attention of the public and of institutions; endorsing new plural demands; increasing collective visibility; facilitating material articulations; sharing a common enemy identity; or spreading new ideological elements among the actors in the field of struggle.

Gestão pública de megaeventos esportivos no Brasil: a experiência paulistana na realização da Copa do Mundo FIFA

Esta pesquisa se propôs a investigar a gestão pública da 20ª edição da Copa do Mundo FIFA, realizada no Brasil em 2014. Contestada popularmente por milhares de brasileiros, o megaevento esportivo teve suas contradições, principalmente em relação aos altos gastos públicos e à lucrativa participação da Federação Internacional de Futebol (FIFA). Durante os seus preparativos e realização, aconteceu um dos mais duradouros ciclos de protestos da história recente do Brasil, o que destaca a insatisfação de muitos brasileiros em relação aos investimentos dos governos federal, estaduais e municipais para a sua realização. Com recorte mais aprofundado para a gestão do megaevento na cidade de São Paulo, o trabalho procurou compreender os acordos entre as partes e analisar a relação entre as instituições – a FIFA e os Governos – na operacionalização e decisões sobre o megaevento. Além disso, destaca as interfaces estabelecidas entre governos e a sociedade civil, em sua diversidade identificada empiricamente, e aprofunda nas inflexões das reivindicações populares e protestos na gestão do megaevento pela prefeitura paulistana. O estudo é um estudo de caso único e, portanto, foi realizado com métodos qualitativos de pesquisa. Foram utilizadas fontes múltiplas de coleta que possibilitaram a triangulação dos dados obtidos e o aumento da validade dos resultados. Foram feitas observações diretas durante os protestos e na região de impacto dos empreendimentos da Copa, coleta em documentos oficiais, legislações, atas, contratos e matérias jornalísticas e entrevistas com atores-chave dos governos federal e municipal, com ativistas e manifestantes, líderes comunitários e representantes de organizações da sociedade civil. A pesquisa apontou que os megaeventos esportivos são um importante tema de pesquisa pelo mundo e têm se revelado como uma relevante preocupação em países em desenvolvimento, além de terem se tornado um importante instrumento político para a promoção da imagem dos países-sede no exterior e para a projeção de partidos nos territórios nacionais. Seus resultados destacam a formação de campos antagônicos entre governos e sociedade civil e a formação de arenas de conflito também entre os atores sociais. Embora haja visto alguns esforços pela transparência da gestão, não se pode dizer que a Copa do Mundo no Brasil teve nível ideal de transparência, tampouco de participação social. Se por um lado houve esforços para se aprimorar a transparência, por outro, os canais de participação social instituídos não expressaram relevância para a gestão pública do megaevento. As interfaces entre governos e a sociedade civil foram identificadas, assim como seus efeitos e inflexões sobre a gestão do mundial. A principal interface destacada se deu no nível da rua e se afirmou na forma do enfrentamento entre manifestantes e a polícia. A segunda mais evidente se consolidou na negociação direta entre comunitários vulneráveis às obras da Copa e gestores municipais. Os efeitos dos protestos de rua sobre a ação dos governos se destacou na atividade policial, que usou a violência e a repressão como principais respostas ao conjunto de manifestações, e na criação de espaços de negociação direta com as comunidades, este influenciado mais diretamente pela formação de grupos de reivindicação, como o Comitê Popular da Copa, e pela resistência da própria comunidade. A gestão da Copa do Mundo no Brasil foi complexa e evidenciou, do ponto de vista das relações federativas, alguns problemas entre município, estado e União, que tratam da coordenação de programas, políticas ou ações, neste caso, um megaevento esportivo, de gestão compartilhada. O caso aponta dissonâncias e desalinhamentos entre governo federal, estadual e municipal sobre as práticas de diálogo, negociação, transparência e participação social. A pesquisa destaca a formação de um conjunto social mais atento, crítico e politizado, que reivindica, contesta e ocupa as ruas demonstrando sua insatisfação com governos, sistemas políticos e formas de representação. Aponta para resultados mais tangíveis e relações mais harmônicas entre governos e população quando são implementadas formas alternativas de participação e envolvimento social, sobretudo espaços e processos em que há lugar para a negociação e inserção da sociedade civil nos processos decisórios

3-Hydroxy-4, 5-dimethyl-2 (5 H)-furanone levels in fortified Madeira wines: Relationship to sugar content

The maturation of Madeira wines usually involves exposure to relatively high temperatures and humidity levels >70%, which affect the aroma and flavor composition and lead to the formation of the typical and characteristic bouquet of these wines. To estimate the levels of sotolon [3-hydroxy4,5-dimethyl-2(5 H )-furanone] and their behavior over time, 86 aged Madeira wines samples (1-25 years old), with different sugar concentrations, respectively, 90 g L-1 for Boal, 110 g L-1 for Malvazia, 25 g L -1 for Sercial, and 65 g L-1 for Verdelho varieties, were analyzed. Isolation was performed by liquid-liquid extraction with dichloromethane followed by chromatographic analysis by GC-MS. The reproducibility of the method was found to be 4.9%. The detection and quantification limits were 1.2 and 2.0 µgL-1, respectively. The levels of sotolon found ranged from not detected to 2000 µgL-1 for wines between 1 and 25 years old. It was observed that during aging, the concentration of sotolon increased with time in a linear fashion ( r ) 0.917). The highest concentration of sotolon was found in wines with the highest residual sugar contents, considering the same time of storage. The results show that there is a strong correlation between sotolon and sugar derivatives: furfural, 5-methylfurfural, 5-hydroxymethylfurfural, and 5-ethoxymethylfurfural. These compounds are also well correlated with wine aging. These findings indicate that the kinetics of sotolon formation is closely related with residual sugar contents, suggesting that this molecule may come from a component like sugar.

Parcerias municipais com o terceiro setor: o caso do conselho municipal dos direitos da criança e do adolescente de Natal

The relationship between the State and the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) needs to be analyzed and debated by the objective to extinguish or to reduce the existent failures in this partnership in order that the whole society may benefit from it. To understand how the partnership between the public and NGOs work is fundamental. The present study searches to contribute to a better understanding of this matter. With this aim, the research focused the partnership formed between Natal Child and Adolescent Council (COMDICA) and NGOs which were selected by public notice in 2007. Theoretical references were based on the Continuum of Collaboration proposed by Austin (2001) that serves to differentiate the degree and the mode of interaction between the two organizations. It was observed that in some points there is a lack in the interaction between COMDICA and the NGOs. The frequent change of the government counselors makes difficult a more intense involvement and partnership awareness with the NGOs. The NGOs members need to be more involved with the activities of COMDICA and search for a larger participation in the assemblies, on the discussions and on the intrinsic council actions. The relationship must also be rethought, since that the partnership must not be limited to financial resources support. The channels of communication must be improved and become more frequent. The evaluation and monitoring of social projects are poor and own methodologies need to be elaborated. Therefore, it is necessary to make some adjustments in this relationship involving not only the partnerships made by the selected ONGs, but also all those who assist the child and the adolescent. A closer relation makes possible a greater effectiveness of the public policies on one side and on the other side improves the performance of the COMDICA and the NGOs

Length-weight relationship and condition factor of the mangrove crab Ucides cordatus (Linnaeus, 1763) (Crustacea, Brachyura, Ucididae)

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Alcoolemia em vítimas fatais de acidentes de trânsito no Rio Grande do Norte empregando cromatografia em fase gasosa - head space

Alcohol is one of the few psychotropic drugs that their consumption has admitted legally and sometimes encouraged by the society. Studies show alcohol as the highest consumption of drugs among young people and society in general, probably because of its availability and easy access. The abuse causes public health problems, which was closely related to the violence, socioeconomic problems and the high number of automobile accidents. Transit is one of the main sectors affected by the effects of alcohol, observing a high incidence in the studies. About half of automobile accidents occurs after the consumption of alcoholic beverage, and the vast majority of cases related to high concentrations of alcohol in the bloodstream. The relationship of drunk with traffic accidents is in fact evident everywhere in the world, including Brazil, where studies have shown a high relationship between alcohol consumption and traffic accidents. This study determined the alcohol in fatal victims of traffic accidents in the state of Rio Grande do Norte and established the profile of this population compared with those found in Brazil and other countries. Samples of blood of ethanol added to fulfillment of the standardization of chromatographic conditions and procedures for the analysis, being employed in the determination of alcohol in blood samples of 277 victims of traffic accidents, collected at the Institute of Scientific Technical Police of Rio Grande do North (ITEP) in the year 2007. The blood alcohol level was determined in these samples correlated with the sex, age and marital status of the victim and the location, day of week and month when the accident occurred, is doing a statistical analysis and outlining a profile of the victims of an accident at transit in the state of Rio Grande do Norte. The parameters of standardization studied ensured the quality of the analytical method and, consequently, to obtain reliable laboratory results. Being given the best temperature for injector (150 ºC), detector (250 ºC) and column (50 ºC) with a flow of gas in the column of 2mL/minutos and analysis of time of 12 minutes. The method was linear in the range of 0.01 to 3.2 g / L (r2 = 0.9989) with average recovery of 100.2% and precision with coefficient of variation less than 15%. The analysis carried out on victims of fatal road traffic accidents, ethanol detected in the blood in 66.43% of the victims and these, 96% showed concentration ≥ 0.2 g / L, 87.73% of victims were male, while 12.27% female. The younger age group (1535 years) was the most involved (52,35%) and most single (55.60%). The accidents occurred with greater prevalence in the day on Monday (27%) followed by Sunday (24,19%) and Saturday (15,52%) and it was found that the prevalence of injuries varied between the different months of the year, and in February (14.4%) and April (10.47%) the months that had a higher number of accidents, however this oscillation showed no statistically significant difference. Also no significant difference was observed between the tracks of concentration found in men and women. The standardized method showed to be efficient, given satisfactorily to the goals of this work, and the high levels of alcohol found in victims of fatal road traffic accidents are consistent with several studies of literature, and the profile of the victim also supported by presenting in its most young adults, male and single

Imagens e contra-imagens do estado": considerações sobre a sociedade civil em Gramsci e Habermas

The theme of civil society has resonated significantly in the analysis of social science studies and has long been the center of public opinion, applied to a vast range of contexts, significances and political ideological connotations. Starting with such an unstable theoretical scenario, our research proposal scrutinized two civil society analysis traditions. Embodied by Antonio Gramsci and Jürgen Habermas, these politically conceptual differences are significantly divided into distinct interpretations of the relationship between the state and civil society. On one side, in Gramsci's work, we observe civil society as historically constituted through "molecular expansion of the state", organizing itself during its obligatory constitutive moment. On the other, Habermas shows us a civil society instituted from the structural differentiation process of society developed due to the contradiction existing between the different ways the state administration is organized, the economy and daily social interaction (in which it is found). As a consequence, civil society is no longer seen as a political arena and the hegemonic catalyst of the state, but as a social arrangement destined to increase the viability of the ethical and dialogical reconstruction of social life. It follows that the understanding of the distinctions between both models of civil society become crucial in the measure that they are divided in relation to the delineation of acting agents, fighting strategies, and to the objective of their actions.Despite the existence of analytical dissonance, we intend to outline the common points between both these civil society analysis traditions whose conflicting political action models lead us to a greater understanding of our contemporary political scene. This will be done starting with the systematization of both selected authors' principal categories, and through the introduction of the "contra-hegemonic public sphere" concept

Os instrumentos de incentivo à produção e uso de biodiesel no Brasil: uma análise constitucional sob o princípio do desenvolvimento sustentável

The recent insertion of biodiesel derived from oily vegetables in the Brazilian energetic matrix calls for the study of some aspects that belong to it. The analysis of the carbonized energetic pattern concerns the paradigm of economic development that is constitutionally enshrined sustainable development which make environmental protection compatible with the needs of the economic rationality. This text is structured according to the ideas of modern hermeneutic that sees substantial value in the principles capable of create a harmonious relationship between law and society. The study of the constitutional principles to conduct a legal analysis about the National Program for Production and Use of Biodiesel - PNPB. The aim of the research is the study of PNPB ahead with the constitutional principles governing the economic order. To achieve this end we studied the sustainable development as a constitutional principle. We start with the notion that the thematic principles, and fundamental to understanding the dimension of sustainable development institute, since its concept is closely related to the applications of the principles enshrined in virtually all the constitutional order of the Western world. Then this was the National Energy Policy, initiating the approach by guiding principles of the National Energy Policy to develop the theme of public policy in the energy sector. Therefore, we studied the National Program of Biodiesel Production and Use - PNPB. From a technical introduction to the concept of biodiesel and a brief historical background, analyzing their advantages compared to fossil fuels predominantly used. Then it became a regulatory overview of the Brazilian legislation on the subject, central to understanding the plans and objectives pursued by the Brazilian government with encouraging the production of biodiesel. Finally discussed the tax incentives for production and use of biodiesel in Brazil. From the idea of federalism, characterized the tax as an instrument of state intervention in the economy. And finally it brought the tax incentives of Law No. 11.116/2005 in the face of the constitutional principles of economy and tax, and tax incentives from projects related to the Kyoto Protocol

Participação administrativa processual na administração pública dialógica

The dissertation, which is based on the deductive method, by using general concepts of the theory of the administrative participation in the administrative process, addresses the importance of strengthening administrative and procedural activities of citizen involvement in public administration for the administrative consolidation of democracy in Brazil. The emergence of Administrative Law has particular importance for the understanding of its institutions and, of course, for the different fields of public administration. The authoritarian profile of this area of law still exists as a clear recollection of their origin, mainly based on a relationship of superiority of the state over the individuals. Indeed, does not even modern constitutionalism could print a true democracy administrative, since the constitutions were not properly observed by the Government. Furthermore, only the process of constitutionalization of administrative law legal relations took a more democratic profile. That is, the creation of an environment of dialogue with civil society is a recent achievement of the Brazilian government. As the administrative process involves dilemmas and solutions of state action, because it is revealed the expression government, the strengthening of institutions and principles related to the administrative procedure is important for role in making a more participatory relationship between state and citizen. Thus, administrative participation can be considered not only a mechanism of control and legitimacy of state action, but also for improvement and reduction of administrative costs, as a requirement of the principle of efficiency. The objective of this investigation is to assert as the administrative legal relation, the administrative legality, the administrative jurisdiction, the processuality administrative, the consensuality administrative and administrative justice, together with administrative participation, can contribute to a more democratic role of the Public Administration and, therefore, more dialogic and consolidator of the fundamental rights of citizens. Therefore, we highlight the importance of the administrative process and administrative participation as mechanisms for improving public policy and thus as a means of reducing administrative costs mediate the state

O piso salarial nacional: a valorização do professor na Constituição de 1988

The paper investigates the legal mechanisms used by the Legislature and the Executive to implement the constitutional principle of the teacher s minimum wage, which is proclaimed in the Constitution as a strategy of professional appreciation for this category. The text demonstrates that the legal mechanisms used to value the teacher were: the 1988 Constitution, the constitutional amendments to this Charter updated and modified the original text in relation to the matter, and finally, the Minimum Wage Law . Article nº 206 of 1988 s Federal Constitution established that basic education teachers, who work in public schools, would be entitled to a national minimum wage. Law nº 11.738/2008 ( Minimum Wage Law ) regulated the matter and made other determinations on the relationship between the State and the teachers such as the establishment of parameters for the distribution of the workload of teachers. Based on this law, since 2009 the minimum wage has been set annually by the Federal Government. However, state governments and municipalities throughout Brazil protested prescriptions contained in the Minimum Wage Law . In this context, some governors and mayors led the Supreme Court regarding the constitutionality of this law. The complainants considered that there was unconstitutional by the following: definition of the teacher s workday, which in the complainants point of view was competence of local governments; ensuring that teachers receive salaries tied to the minimum wage with retroactive effect; transformation of the minimum wage in basic salary, lack of sufficient budget in the states and municipalities to honor with the new values to be paid to teachers and, finally, determining workload for the teacher to perform other activities besides classroom activities. At the trial held at the STF the majority of Ministers rejected the claim and considered that the Minimum Wage Law , taken together, was constitutional. However, this decision did not alter the position of the managers or the interpretation of the ministers who agreed with the unconstitutionality of some aspects of the law. This means that one law can present differences in interpretation between ordinary people and among members of the Judiciary. The search showed the following conclusions: the law is not a definitive parameter of justice, because it is deeply linked to various interests; the development, implementation, and judgment of laws dealing with minimum wage of teaching are linked to historical and cultural aspects of society; the demand for enhancement of teacher and setting a minimum wage has only emerged in the late twentieth century, a fact explained in this work based on data that indicate the recent concern of Brazilian State with schooling a phenomenon typically Republican and with the professionalization of teaching emerging concern from the knowledge society; the Legislative and Executive search mechanism to implement the minimum wage of the teachers because of the contemporary need for professionalization of teaching

A responsabilização criminal no estado democrático de direito: o equilíbrio entre a efetividade e os limites da pretensão punitiva da sociedade

This paper analyzes the relationship between fundamental rights and the exercise of the claim punitive society in a democratic state. It starts with the premise that there are fundamental rights that limit and determine the validity of all forms of manifestation of the claim punitive society (legislating, investigative, adjudicative or ministerial) and there are others that require the state the right exercise, fast and effective of these activities. Travels to history in order to see that the first meaning of these rights was built between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, after all a history of abuses committed by state agents in the exercise of criminal justice, and positively valued in the declarations of human rights and proclaimed in the constitutions after the American and French Revolutions, while the second meaning has been assigned between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, when, because of the serious social problems generated largely by absenteeism state, it was noted that in addition to subjective rights the individual against the state, fundamental rights are also objective values, which trigger an order directed the state to protect them against the action of the offending individuals themselves (duty to protect), the mission of which the State seeks to discharge, among other means, through the issue of legal rules typifying the behavior detrimental to such rights, subject to penalties, and the concrete actions of public institutions created by the Constitution to operate penal law. Under this double bias, it is argued that the rule violates the Constitution in the exercise of the claim punitive society as much as by excess malfere fundamental rights that limit, as when it allows facts wrong by offending fundamental rights, remain unpunished either by inaction or by insufficient measures taken abstractly or concretely provided

A função social do contrato como concretização de direitos fundamentais nas relações privadas

This dissertation deals with the social function of the contract, based on constitutional principles, especially those relating to fundamental rights. The social function of the contract (general clause) is described in the Civil Code so intentionally generic, no precise criteria to define it. Because of the fluidity of this principle, it is justified its closer study, seeking to assess its various meanings and looking away from the legal uncertainty that an unlimited conceptual vagueness can cause. The social function of the contract arises from a transformation experienced in private law from the inflows received from the Constitutional Law, the result of an evolutionary process by which it became the state structure, leaving the foundations of the classical liberal state and moving toward a vision guided by existential human values that give the keynote of the Welfare State. Arose, then the concern about the effectiveness of fundamental rights in relations between individuals, which is studied from the inapplicability of fundamental rights in private relations (U.S. doctrine of State action), passing to the analysis of the Theory of indirect horizontal effect of fundamental rights (of German creation and majority acceptance), reaching the right horizontal efficacy Theory of fundamental rights, prevailing Brazilian doctrine and jurisprudence. It has also been investigated the foundations of the social contract, pointing out that, apart from the provisions of the constitutional legislation, that base the principle on screen, there have also been noticed foundations in the Federal Constitution, in devices like the art. 1, III, the dignity of the human person is the north of the relationship between contractors. Also art. 3rd, I CF/88 bases the vision of social covenants, equipping it for the implementation of social solidarity, as one of the fundamental objectives of the Republic. Still on art. 170 of the Constitution it is seen as a locus of reasoning in the social function of the contract, the maintenance of the economic order. It is also studied the internal and external aspects of the social function of the contract, being the first part the one that considers the requirement of respect for contractual loyalty, through the objective good faith, as a result of the dignity of the hirer may not be offended by the other through the contract. On the other hand, the external facet of the social function of the contract, in line with the constitutional mandate of solidarity, indicates the need for contractors to respect the rights of society, namely the diffuse, collective and individual third party. In this external appearance, it is also pointed the notion of external credit protection, addressing the duty of society to respect the contract. There has been shown some notions of the social contract in comparative law. Then, there has been investigated the content of principle study, through their interrelationships with other provisions of private and constitutional law, namely equality, objective good faith, private autonomy and dignity of the human person. We study the application of the social contract in contractual networks as well as the guidance of conservation of contracts, especially those denominated long-term captive contracts, considering the theory of substantive due performance, concluding with an analysis of the social contract in code of Consumer Protection

A contribuição de Diké na formação do Emílio ou o papel da jurisdição constitucional na concretização do direito social à educação

The fundamental social right to education has a lengthy constitutional argument, having been declared as a right to everyone in the Title dedicated to the fundamental rights and warrants and, later, scrutinized in the Social Order Chapter exclusively devoted to this theme, where specific rights are guaranteed and fundamental duties are imposed to family, society, and state. In that which concerns education, the 1988 Constitution is the result of a historical-normative process which, since the days of the Lusitanian Empire wavering between distinct levels of protection warrants in some way the educational process. Nevertheless, not even the State s oldest commitment to education has been fully achieved, namely, the annihilation of illiteracy. Even as other fundamental social rights, education is inflicted with the lack of effective political will to reach its fulfillment, and this is reflected in the production of doctrine and jurisprudence which reduce the efficacy of these rights. The objective of this work is to analyze what part is to be played by the constitutional jurisdiction in the reversal of this picture in regards to the fulfillment of the fundamental social right to education. Therefore it is indispensable to present a proper conception of constitutional jurisdiction its objectives, boundaries and procedures and that of the social rights in the Brazilian context so as to establish its relationship from the prism of the right to education. The main existing obstacles to the effective action of constitutional jurisdiction on the ground of social rights are identified and then proposals so as to overcome them are presented. The contemplative and constructive importance of education in the shaping of the individual as well as its instrumental relevance to the achievement of the democratic ideal through the means of the shaping of the citizen is taken into account. The historical context which leads to the current Brazilian educational system is analyzed, tracing the normative area and the essential content of the fundamental right to education aiming to delineate parameters for the adequate development of the constitutional jurisdiction in the field. This jurisdiction must be neither larger nor narrower than that which has been determined by the Constitution itself. Its activity has been in turns based on a demagogic rhetoric of those fundamental rights which present a doubtful applicability, or falling short of that which has been established showing an excessive reverence to the constituent powers. It is necessary to establish dogmatic parameters for a good action of this important tool of constitutional democracy, notably in regards to the fundamental social right to education, for the sake of its instrumental role in the achievement of the democratic ideals of liberty and equality

Qualidade do gasto público em educação para os municípios da região metropolitana de Natal-2007

The aim of this thesis is to evaluate the quality of public spending on education for the municipalities of the Metropolitan Region of Natal (RMN) in 2009 by use of two theories: The Theory of Welfare (Welfare State) and the Public Choice Theory (TEP), both important to understand the relationship between education and economics. The study also uses principles of microeconomics and public sector economics to get a better idea of the role of education in economy and society. It describes the development of the educational policy in Brazil from 1988 to the Federal Constitution of 2010, following the major changes in basic education during each government. The characteristics of the RMN municipalities were illustrated with socioeconomic indicators, while educational indicators were used to characterize each municipality regarding education. The model used in this study was developed by Bertê, Brunet and Borges, the data was collected on the back of the School Census 2009 and the Brazil Exam 2009 and it was processed quantitavely in the Information System on Public Budgets in Education (SIOPE) by use of the statistical method called standardized score of the normal cumulative distribution function. The quality of public spending on education is the result of the relation between performance indicator ratio and expense ratio. For the qualitative analysis of results, the criteria of efficiency, efficacy and effectiveness were used. The study found that municipalities with higher expenses showed a worse quality of spending and failed to convert the expenditure incurred into performance, thus confirming ineffectiveness