978 resultados para Socialist parties
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This thesis examines the manufacture, use, exchange (including gift exchange), collecting and commodification of German medals and badges from the early 18th century until the present-day, with particular attention being given to the symbols that were deployed by the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) between 1919 and 1945. It does so by focusing in particular on the construction of value through insignia, and how such badges and their symbolic and monetary value changed over time. In order to achieve this, the thesis adopts a chronological structure, which encompasses the creation of Prussia in 1701, the Napoleonic wars and the increased democratisation of military awards such as the Iron Cross during the Great War. The collapse of the Kaiserreich in 1918 was the major factor that led to the creation of the NSDAP under the eventual strangle-hold of Hitler, a fundamentally racist and anti-Semitic movement that continued the German tradition of awarding and wearing badges. The traditional symbols of Imperial Germany, such as the eagle, were then infused with the swastika, an emblem that was meant to signify anti-Semitism, thus creating a hybrid identity. This combination was then replicated en-masse, and eventually eclipsed all the symbols that had possessed symbolic significance in Germany’s past. After Hitler was appointed Chancellor in 1933, millions of medals and badges were produced in an effort to create a racially based “People’s Community”, but the steel and iron that were required for munitions eventually led to substitute materials being utilised and developed in order to manufacture millions of politically oriented badges. The Second World War unleashed Nazi terror across Europe, and the conscripts and volunteers who took part in this fight for living-space were rewarded with medals that were modelled on those that had been instituted during Imperial times. The colonial conquest and occupation of the East by the Wehrmacht, the Order Police and the Waffen-SS surpassed the brutality of former wars that finally culminated in the Holocaust, and some of these horrific crimes and the perpetrators of them were perversely rewarded with medals and badges. Despite Nazism being thoroughly discredited, many of the Allied soldiers who occupied Germany took part in the age-old practice of obtaining trophies of war, which reconfigured the meaning of Nazi badges as souvenirs, and began the process of their increased commodification on an emerging secondary collectors’ market. In order to analyse the dynamics of this market, a “basket” of badges is examined that enables a discussion of the role that aesthetics, scarcity and authenticity have in determining the price of the artefacts. In summary, this thesis demonstrates how the symbolic, socio-economic and exchange value of German military and political medals and badges has changed substantially over time, provides a stimulus for scholars to conduct research in this under-developed area, and encourages collectors to investigate the artefacts that they collect in a more historically contextualised manner.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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This cumulative dissertation investigates the formation and success of new political parties in developed democracies from the perspective of the programmatic competition between parties (see. introduction in chapter 1). It starts by arguing that the current state of the programmatic supply by existing parties is a central determinant for the likelihood of new party formation (chapter 2). A low programmatic diversity of existing parties creates scope for programmatic innovations by new parties. The dissertation establishes a connection between the literature on new parties and niche parties by analyzing the latter as typical cases of innovating new parties (chapter 3). For this purpose, the author combines two concepts with corresponding measures in order to capture the programmatic profiles of parties. Nicheness refers to differences in the emphasis of topics between a given party and its counterparts while programmatic concentration shows the narrowness of a given policy profile. Chapter 4 investigates how the variation in the programmatic profiles of niche parties affect their long-term electoral performance. Previous studies on niche parties have not fully taken into account the evolutionary aspect of the programmatic profiles of these parties. Acknowledging the variation in programmatic profiles between niche parties and over time, the article argues that the electoral effects of nicheness and programmatic concentration as programmatic features of niche parties vary over their lifecycle. The literature on new parties assumes that they can benefit from the poor representation of parts of the electorate by existing parties. This strand of research provides plausible results, but it operates on the macro level, which is problematic for theoretical and methodological reasons. The study in chapter 5 overcomes these problems through a multilevel analysis of the vote choice between new parties, existing parties and abstention.
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La dépression est le trouble psychiatrique le plus fréquent dans la population ayant subi un traumatisme cranio-cérébral (TCC). Les blessures aux autres parties du corps, les problèmes de santé, la douleur et les migraines semblent liés à la dépression post-TCC. L’objectif de ce mémoire est de mieux comprendre ces liens. Les taux de dépression chez les individus ayant des blessures aux autres parties du corps au moment du TCC ou de la douleur significative, des migraines, la prise d’analgésiques ou des problèmes de santé comorbides à 4, 8 et 12 mois post-blessure ont été comparés à ceux des gens qui ne présentent pas ces facteurs. Ensuite, l’influence de ces variables à 4 mois post-TCC sur le risque de développer la dépression au cours de la première année post-TCC a été analysé. Le risque de présenter une dépression au cours de la première année post-TCC est plus élevé pour les individus qui rapportent des blessures aux membres inférieurs au moment du TCC et de la douleur significative, des migraines, la prise d’analgésiques et des problèmes de santé comorbides à 4 mois post-blessure. Une histoire de dépression pré-morbide demeure la variable avec la plus grande force prédictive d’une dépression post-TCC. Ces résultats démontrent l’importance de suivis ciblés pour la population TCC présentant ces facteurs.
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Este trabajo exploratorio estudia al movimiento político Mesa de la Unidad Democrática (MUD), creada con el fin de oponerse la Gobierno socialista existente en venezuela. La crítica que este documento realiza, parte desde el punto de vista de la Ciencia de la Complejidad. Algunos conceptos clave de sistemas complejos han sido utilizados para explicar el funcionamiento y organización de la MUD, esto con el objetivo de generar un diagnóstico integral de los problemas que enfrenta, y evidenciar las nuevas percepciones sobre comportamientos perjudiciales que el partido tiene actualmente. Con el enfoque de la complejidad se pretende ayudar a comprender mejor el contexto que enmarca al partido y, para, finalmente aportar una serie de soluciones a los problemas de cohesión que presen
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This research investigates the Soviet Union’s role in guiding state-building processes of postcolonial Arab countries of the Middle East, leading them to adopt economic and political elements of the socialist-Leninist models of development. The widespread narrative depicts the Soviets as having failed to export communism in those states and, therefore, as having failed to bring them closer to Moscow’s sphere of influence and values. However, various Soviet archives suggest a different reality. As the Cold War burst forth, between the mid-1950s and mid-1960s, contacts between Soviet and Arab officials were not just incredibly frequent but they went to the core of all main issues of socio-economic development of these transforming countries: party politics, institution building, agrarian reforms, industrialisation, security sector reforms, etc. The research focuses on a period that may be labelled as ‘the launching phase’ of the Soviet Middle East policy, which established a long-lasting framework for the Soviet-Arab dialogue. It also places significant attention on the ‘personal dimension’ of such a dialogue, showing how Moscow’s influence went hand in hand with the ability of Soviet leaders and diplomats to establish relations of personal trust with postcolonial Arab élites. A selected number of Arab countries are examined: Egypt, Iraq and Syria. For each of these countries, a limited period of time will be taken into consideration, when Soviet influence reached its peak and state-building policies might have drawn from the Soviet model (for Egypt 1954-1958; for Iraq 1958-1963; for Syria 1961-1966). On the one hand, the analysis of specific case-studies will allow to investigate the relationship between Moscow and each of these new Arab regimes; on the other, such a large geographical scope will permit to grasp the elements and the objectives of the broader Soviet policy towards the Middle East region.
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This thesis addresses the entanglements between the Namibian liberation struggle and the global Cold War, focusing on the socialist support provided to the South West African People Organization (SWAPO), the liberation movement that fought for the independence of the country from the South African regime. This thesis aims at analyzing three socialist models of solidarity with the SWAPO’s struggle that developed especially from the late 1970s. Combining archival sources and biographical accounts, it examines the politics of solidarity with SWAPO implemented by East Germany, Cuba, and the Italian Communist Party. The interest lies in understanding how solidarity was declined and received by internal promoters and external addressees. Thus, I explore how these three actors constructed their concept of solidarity with SWAPO according to their national and ideological contexts and how this was received by the SWAPO members who experienced it in various ways. Each socialist actor promoted solidarity with SWAPO by using varying narratives, pursuing their own objectives, and employing diverse instruments, thus carrying out different and sometimes competing visions of socialism and solidarity. On its side, SWAPO was able to take advantage from such visions, as each of them could serve its different needs in diverse ways. In providing a general overview of these three solidarity policies, this thesis has the objective of highlighting the internal pluralization of the “socialist solidarity regime” while at the same time contributing to the debate on the extent of SWAPO’s commitment to socialism during the Namibian liberation struggle. It argues that, while pragmatism has always guided SWAPO during the liberation struggle and the post-independence period, and non-alignment has always been its international stance, socialism has to some extent been a model for the revolution in Namibia, to the point that it is still influencing the SWAPO party today.
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Chlorophenylpiperazines (CPP) are psychotropic drugs used in nightclub parties and are frequently used in a state of sleep deprivation, a condition which can potentiate the effects of psychoactive drugs. This study aimed to investigate the effects of sleep deprivation and sleep rebound (RB) on anxiety-like measures in mCPP-treated mice using the open field test. We first optimized our procedure by performing dose-effect curves and examining different pretreatment times in naïve male Swiss mice. Subsequently, a separate cohort of mice underwent paradoxical sleep deprivation (PSD) for 24 or 48h. In the last experiment, immediately after the 24h-PSD period, mice received an injection of saline or mCPP, but their general activity was quantified in the open field only after the RB period (24 or 48h). The dose of 5mgmL(-1) of mCPP was the most effective at decreasing rearing behavior, with peak effects 15min after injection. PSD decreased locomotion and rearing behaviors, thereby inhibiting a further impairment induced by mCPP. Plasma concentrations of mCPP were significantly higher in PSD 48h animals compared to the non-PSD control group. Twenty-four hours of RB combined with mCPP administration produced a slight reduction in locomotion. Our results show that mCPP was able to significantly change the behavior of naïve, PSD, and RB mice. When combined with sleep deprivation, there was a higher availability of drug in plasma levels. Taken together, our results suggest that sleep loss can enhance the behavioral effects of the potent psychoactive drug, mCPP, even after a period of rebound sleep.
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Faculdade de Educação Física
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Faculdade de Educação Física
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Faculdade de Educação Física
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas. Faculdade de Educação Física