876 resultados para Judicial activism
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Peer reviewed
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Peer reviewed
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En los últimos años, los delitos sexuales se han convertido en objeto de preocupación para la sociedad; esto se vio reforzado por las nuevas formas de pensar y vivir las relaciones humanas inter e intra-género/s y especialmente las elecciones sexuales. En este trabajo la autora propone volver a poner en debate algunas cuestiones que hacen al problema de la definición judicial y a la comprensión del consentimiento en el contexto específico delitos sexuales (delitos contra la honestidad) en el ámbito de la provincia de Buenos Aires, entre 1866 y 1921, habida cuenta de la importancia que este concepto tiene en los expedientes así como en el tratamiento doctrinario de la violencia sexual. Se propone poner en tensión las ideas sociales y culturales que aparecen reflejadas en las fuentes citadas respecto de qué es, cómo se otorga y cuándo puede hablarse de un efectivo consentimiento. En particular ella hará eje en la problemática en relación a la situación de los menores de edad varones y mujeres en tanto víctimas posibles y reales de estos ilícitos. Planteará la discusión en torno al límite jurídico de 12 años como "edad del consentimiento" y las construcciones jurídicas en relación a la capacidad/incapacidad de los menores para asentir sexualmente
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En los últimos años, los delitos sexuales se han convertido en objeto de preocupación para la sociedad; esto se vio reforzado por las nuevas formas de pensar y vivir las relaciones humanas inter e intra-género/s y especialmente las elecciones sexuales. En este trabajo la autora propone volver a poner en debate algunas cuestiones que hacen al problema de la definición judicial y a la comprensión del consentimiento en el contexto específico delitos sexuales (delitos contra la honestidad) en el ámbito de la provincia de Buenos Aires, entre 1866 y 1921, habida cuenta de la importancia que este concepto tiene en los expedientes así como en el tratamiento doctrinario de la violencia sexual. Se propone poner en tensión las ideas sociales y culturales que aparecen reflejadas en las fuentes citadas respecto de qué es, cómo se otorga y cuándo puede hablarse de un efectivo consentimiento. En particular ella hará eje en la problemática en relación a la situación de los menores de edad varones y mujeres en tanto víctimas posibles y reales de estos ilícitos. Planteará la discusión en torno al límite jurídico de 12 años como "edad del consentimiento" y las construcciones jurídicas en relación a la capacidad/incapacidad de los menores para asentir sexualmente
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En los últimos años, los delitos sexuales se han convertido en objeto de preocupación para la sociedad; esto se vio reforzado por las nuevas formas de pensar y vivir las relaciones humanas inter e intra-género/s y especialmente las elecciones sexuales. En este trabajo la autora propone volver a poner en debate algunas cuestiones que hacen al problema de la definición judicial y a la comprensión del consentimiento en el contexto específico delitos sexuales (delitos contra la honestidad) en el ámbito de la provincia de Buenos Aires, entre 1866 y 1921, habida cuenta de la importancia que este concepto tiene en los expedientes así como en el tratamiento doctrinario de la violencia sexual. Se propone poner en tensión las ideas sociales y culturales que aparecen reflejadas en las fuentes citadas respecto de qué es, cómo se otorga y cuándo puede hablarse de un efectivo consentimiento. En particular ella hará eje en la problemática en relación a la situación de los menores de edad varones y mujeres en tanto víctimas posibles y reales de estos ilícitos. Planteará la discusión en torno al límite jurídico de 12 años como "edad del consentimiento" y las construcciones jurídicas en relación a la capacidad/incapacidad de los menores para asentir sexualmente
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This thesis originates from my interest in exploring how minorities are using social media to talk back to mainstream media. This study examines whether hashtags that trend on Twitter may impact how news stories related to minorities are covered in Canadian media. The Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper stated the niqab was “rooted in a culture that is anti-women” on 10 March 2015. The next day #DressCodePM trended in response to the PM’s niqab remarks. Using network gatekeeping theory, this study examines the types of sources quoted in the media stories published on 10 and 11 March 2015. The study’s goal is to explore whether using tweet quotes leads to the representation of a more diverse range of news sources. The study compares the types of sources quoted in stories that covered Harper’s comments without mentioning #DressCodePM versus stories that mention #DressCodePM. This study also uses Tuen A. van Dijk’s methodology of asking “who is speaking, how often and how prominently?” in order to examine whose voices have been privileged and whose voices have been marginalized in covering the niqab in Canadian media from the 1970s and until the days following the PM’s remarks. Network gatekeeping theory is applied in this study to assess whether the gated gained more power after #DressCodePM trended. The case study’s findings indicates that Caucasian male politicians were predominantly used as news sources in covering stories related to the niqab for the past 38 years in the Globe and Mail. The sourcing pattern of favouring politicians continued in Canadian print and online media on 10 March 2015 following Harper’s niqab comments. However, ordinary Canadian women, including Muslim women, were used more often than politicians as news sources in the stories about #DressCodePM that were published on 11 March 2015. The gated media users were able to gain power and attract Canadian Media’s attention by widely spreading #DressCodePM. This study draws attention to the lack of diversity of sources used in Canadian political news stories, yet this study also shows it is possible for the gated media users to amplify their voices through hashtag activism.
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As part of a debate amongst a multi-generational group of artists, art historians and cultural workers exploring the ‘political turn’ in British Conceptual Art, Loraine Leeson spoke on the connections between conceptualism, feminism and socially engaged art practice.
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Loraine traced the parallels and divergences between the art activism of Carole Conde and Karl Beveridge and herself, both in her solo practice and earlier work with artist Peter Dunn.
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At all normative levels, family migration law can disproportionally and negatively affect immigrant women’s rights in this field, producing gendered effects. In some cases, such effects are related to the normative and judicial imposition of unviable family-related models (e.g., the ʻgood mother ̕ the one-breadwinner family, or a rigid distinction between productive and reproductive work). In other cases, they are due to family migration law’s overlooking of the specific needs and difficulties of immigrant women, within their families and in the broader context of their host countries’ social and normative framework.To effectively expose and correct this gender bias, in this article I propose an alternative view of immigrant women’s right to family life, as a cluster of rights and entitlements rather than as a mono-dimensional right. As a theoretical approach, this construction is better equipped to capture the complex experiences of immigrant women in the European legal space, and to shed light on the gendered effects generated not by individual norms but by the interaction of norms that are traditionally assigned to separated legal domains (e.g., immigration law and criminal law). As a judicial strategy, this understanding is capable of prompting a consideration by domestic and supranational courts of immigrant women not as isolated individuals, but as ‘individuals in context’. I shall define this type of approach as ‘contextual interpretation’, understood as the consideration of immigrant women in the broader contexts of their families, their host societies and the normative frameworks applicable to them. Performed in a gendersensitive manner, a contextual judicial interpretation has the potential to neutralize the gendered effects of certain family migration norms. To illustrate these points, I will discuss selected judicial examples offered by the European Court on Human Rights, as well as from domestic jurisdictions of countries with a particularly high incidence of immigrant women (Italy and Spain).
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It is thought that Lysias’ speech XXIII, Against Pancleon, was delivered in a paragraphe or ‘counter-indictment process’, called antigraphe in an initial phase. However a review of these concepts and, in general, of some aspects of Athenian judicial procedure has allowed us to conclude that the mentioned speech was made by the plaintiff, client of the logographer, against the defendant in a ‘action for false testimony’, dike pseudomartyrion.
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Communication technologies shape how political activist networks are produced and maintain themselves. In Cuba, despite ideologically and physically oppressive practices by the state, a severe lack of Internet access, and extensive government surveillance, a small network of bloggers and cyberactivists has achieved international visibility and recognition for its critiques of the Cuban government. This qualitative study examines the blogger collective known as Voces Cubanas in Havana, Cuba in 2012, advancing a new approach to the study of transnational activism and the role of technology in the construction of political narrative. Voces Cubanas is analyzed as a network of connections between human and non-human actors that produces and sustains powerful political alliances. Voces Cubanas and its allies work collectively to co-produce contentious political discourses, confronting the dominant ideologies and knowledges produced by the Cuban state. Transnational alliances, the act of translation, and a host of unexpected and improvised technologies play central roles in the production of these narratives, indicating new breed of cyborg sociopolitical action reliant upon fluid and flexible networks and the act of writing.