Puolustuskykyinen valtio vai Ruotsin hälytyskello? : Suomen sotilasstrateginen asema kylmän sodan alkuvuosien asiantuntija-arvioissa

The doctoral thesis deals with Finnish and foreign expert s analyses of Finland s military strategic position and defence capability, dating back to the early years of the Cold War. Finland s military high command prepared assessments of the country s strategic position and of the capability of the Defence Forces as grounds for defence planning. Since Finland was located on the Cold War dividing line, the foreign powers were also monitoring the development of Finland s situation. The research carried out had access to the armed forces internal assessments, as well as to analyses prepared by the military intelligence services of Sweden, Britain and the United States. One of the working hypotheses was that after the WWII the ability military leadership to estimate the security political needs of the country and the organisation of its defence was severely weakened so that the dangers of the international development were not perceived and the gradual erosion of defence capability was partly unnoticed. This hypothesis proved to be wrong. Even if the Finnish military intelligence was much weaker than during the war, it was able to provide the military leadership with information of the international military development for the most part. The military leadership was also fully aware of the weakening of the defence capability of the country. They faced the difficult task of making the country s political leadership, i.e. President Paasikivi and the government, also understand the gravity of the situation. Only in the last years of his term in office Paasikivi started to believe the warnings of the military. According to another hypothesis, outside observers considered the Finnish armed forces to primarily act as reinforcements for the Soviet Red Army, and they believed that, in the event of a full-scale war, the Finns would not have been able or even willing to resist a Soviet invasion of Sweden and Norway through Finland. The study confirmed that this was approximately the view the Swedes, the British and the Americans had of the Finnish forces. Western and Swedish intelligence assessments did not show confidence in Finland s defence ability and the country was regarded almost as a Soviet satellite. Finland s strategic position was, however, considered slightly different from that of the Soviet-occupied Eastern European countries. Finland had been forced to become part of the Soviet sphere of interest and security system and this was sealed by the Finno-Soviet Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation, and Mutual Assistance in 1948. Finland had little importance to the military interests of the Western powers. In Sweden s defence planning, however, Finland played a significant role as an alarm bell of a possible Soviet surprise attack, as well as defensive frontline and buffer zone.

Humanitaarisuuden varjossa : Poliittiset tekijät lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin sotiemme aikana ja niiden jälkeen

The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

Instability of Coupled Longitudinal and Transverse Electromagnetic Modes of Wave‐Propagation in Bounded Streaming Plasmas

The instability of coupled longitudinal and transverse electromagnetic modes associated with long wavelengths is studied in bounded streaming plasmas. The main conclusions are as follows: (i) For long waves for which O (k 2)=0, in the absence of relative streaming motion of electrons and ions and aωp/c<0.66, the whole spectrum of harmonic waves is excited due to finite temperature and boundary effects consisting of two subseries. One of these subseries can be identified with Tonks-Dattner resonance oscillations for the electrons, and arises primarily due to the electrons with frequencies greater than the electrostatic plasma frequency corresponding to the electron density in the midplane in the undisturbed state. The other series arises primarily due to ion motion. When aωp/c>0.66, in addition to the above spectrum of harmonic waves, the system admits an infinite number of growing and decaying waves. The instability associated with these modes is found to arise due to the interaction of the waves inside the plasma with the external electromagnetic field. (ii) For modes with comparatively shorter wavelengths for which O (k3)=0, the coupling due to finite temperature sets in, and it is found that the two series of harmonic waves obtained in (i) deriving energy from the transverse modes also become unstable. Thus, for these wavelengths the system admits three sets of growing and decaying modes, first two for all values of aωp/c and the third for (aωp/c) > 0.66. (iii) The presence of streaming velocities introduces various other coupling mechanisms, and we find that even for the wavelengths for which O (k2)=0, we get three sets of growing and decaying waves. The numerical values for the growth rates show that the streaming velocities enhance the growth rates of instability significantly.

Tuloverotuksen reaalinen muuttuminen Suomessa : Kuusikymmentä vuotta verojen vuoristorataa

The study seeks to find out whether the real burden of the personal taxation has increased or decreased. In order to determine this, we investigate how the same real income has been taxed in different years. Whenever the taxes for the same real income for a given year are higher than for the base year, the real tax burden has increased. If they are lower, the real tax burden has decreased. The study thus seeks to estimate how changes in the tax regulations affect the real tax burden. It should be kept in mind that the progression in the central government income tax schedule ensures that a real change in income will bring about a change in the tax ration. In case of inflation when the tax schedules are kept nominally the same will also increase the real tax burden. In calculations of the study it is assumed that the real income remains constant, so that we can get an unbiased measure of the effects of governmental actions in real terms. The main factors influencing the amount of income taxes an individual must pay are as follows: - Gross income (income subject to central and local government taxes). - Deductions from gross income and taxes calculated according to tax schedules. - The central government income tax schedule (progressive income taxation). - The rates for the local taxes and for social security payments (proportional taxation). In the study we investigate how much a certain group of taxpayers would have paid in taxes according to the actual tax regulations prevailing indifferent years if the income were kept constant in real terms. Other factors affecting tax liability are kept strictly unchanged (as constants). The resulting taxes, expressed in fixed prices, are then compared to the taxes levied in the base year (hypothetical taxation). The question we are addressing is thus how much taxes a certain group of taxpayers with the same socioeconomic characteristics would have paid on the same real income according to the actual tax regulations prevailing in different years. This has been suggested as the main way to measure real changes in taxation, although there are several alternative measures with essentially the same aim. Next an aggregate indicator of changes in income tax rates is constructed. It is designed to show how much the taxation of income has increased or reduced from one year to next year on average. The main question remains: How aggregation over all income levels should be performed? In order to determine the average real changes in the tax scales the difference functions (difference between actual and hypothetical taxation functions) were aggregated using taxable income as weights. Besides the difference functions, the relative changes in real taxes can be used as indicators of change. In this case the ratio between the taxes computed according to the new and the old situation indicates whether the taxation has become heavier or easier. The relative changes in tax scales can be described in a way similar to that used in describing the cost of living, or by means of price indices. For example, we can use Laspeyres´ price index formula for computing the ratio between taxes determined by the new tax scales and the old tax scales. The formula answers the question: How much more or less will be paid in taxes according to the new tax scales than according to the old ones when the real income situation corresponds to the old situation. In real terms the central government tax burden experienced a steady decline from its high post-war level up until the mid-1950s. The real tax burden then drifted upwards until the mid-1970s. The real level of taxation in 1975 was twice that of 1961. In the 1980s there was a steady phase due to the inflation corrections of tax schedules. In 1989 the tax schedule fell drastically and from the mid-1990s tax schedules have decreased the real tax burden significantly. Local tax rates have risen continuously from 10 percent in 1948 to nearly 19 percent in 2008. Deductions have lowered the real tax burden especially in recent years. Aggregate figures indicate how the tax ratio for the same real income has changed over the years according to the prevailing tax regulations. We call the tax ratio calculated in this manner the real income tax ratio. A change in the real income tax ratio depicts an increase or decrease in the real tax burden. The real income tax ratio declined after the war for some years. In the beginning of the 1960s it nearly doubled to mid-1970. From mid-1990s the real income tax ratio has fallen about 35 %.

Visst gör kunden en stor del av jobbet. Referensramar för kunders medverkan vid tillkomsten av konsumenttjänster

I detta arbete accentueras kunden som medverkande aktör vid tillkomsten av tjänster och specifikt då inom den konsumentorienterade sektorn, vilken är en naturlig del av vårt vardagsliv. Såväl kommersiella som icke-kommersiella tjänster beaktas och på denna grund står kundrollen i centrum. Detta är primärt parallellt med valet av perspektiv, vilket genomgående får en fundamental betydelse. Kunders aktiva medverkan framstår som en naturlig och väsentlig ingrediens inom tjänstesektorn, vilket understryks och poängteras i detta arbete inom ramen för en samlad bild av kunden i rollen som medverkande aktör. Därmed markeras betydelsen av att söka förstå fenomenet ”kundmedverkan” utifrån en helhetssyn och med denna utgångspunkt tydliggöra en helhet, en samlad bild, och de delar som bygger och formar denna. Tre ingredienser aktualiseras härvid som tongivande och dessa präglar den bild som i detta arbete framträder av kunden som medverkande part. I ett första steg klarläggs sådana aktiviteter som bygger och formar kundens medverkan. Denne engagerar sig och presterar olika aktiviteter, insatser, vilka framstår som ett fundament i fenomenet. På denna grund skapas och formas kundens input i tjänsteprocessen, dennes processbidrag. Därmed fokuseras kundens processnära funktion, samtidigt som vikten av att parallellt uppmärksamma insatser respektive processbidrag betonas. Vidare klarläggs de effekter som kan uppkomma för såväl kunden själv som tjänsteorganisationen och andra inblandade kunder. Olika typer av effekter lyfts fram och tydliggörs med koppling till bland annat tidsrelaterade inslag. Kunders inflytande på såväl kvalitetsupplevelser som produktivitet är härvid av naturligt intresse. Teoretisk analys och begreppsutveckling har varit tongivande inslag i forskningsstrategin, samtidigt som perspektivfrågan har intagit en avgörande position. Vidare har erfarenhetsbaserade bilder av ”kundens vardag” byggt en väsentlig grund, parallellt med teoretiska erfarenheter. I arbetet utvecklas och presenteras referensramar för kunders medverkan i tjänsteprocessen. Inom ramen för en samlad bild erbjuds härigenom möjligheter till analys av konsumentrelaterade verksamheter av skiftande karaktär. Detta framstår som väsentligt med hänsyn till de variationer som kan framträda inom tjänstesektorn.

Benetton - Toscani – efekti: sovinnaisen mainonnan rajoja koettelemassa

Aineisto on Keskustakampuksen kirjaston digitoimaa ja kirjasto vastaa aineiston käyttöluvista.

Esteettinen yhteisö ja sosiaalisen kauneus

Aineisto on Keskustakampuksen kirjaston digitoimaa ja kirjasto vastaa aineiston käyttöluvista.

Alemmat ja ylemmät – rajankäynnin ongelmia

Aineisto on Keskustakampuksen kirjaston digitoimaa ja kirjasto vastaa aineiston käyttöluvista.

Mainonnan transfiguraatio

Aineisto on Keskustakampuksen kirjaston digitoimaa ja kirjasto vastaa aineiston käyttöluvista.

Väinö Kantele lähetystyöntekijänä kommunistien valtaannousun aikana Kiinassa 1948—1951

Tämä tutkimus tarkastelee pastori Väinö Kanteleen työtä lähetystyöntekijänä Kiinassa hänen kolmannella työkaudellaan 1948 - 1951. Tutkimuksen keskeisimmät lähteet ovat Kanteleen perheelleen osoittamat päiväkirjamaiset kirjeet sekä Suomen Lähetysseuran (SLS) johtokunnan kokousten ja lähettien kokousten pöytäkirjat. Tutkimus on mikrohistoriallinen sivuten henkilö- ja lähetyshistoriaa. Kantele saapui Yungšunin asemalle maaliskuussa 1948. Asemalle oli kaivattu kokenutta mieslähettiä. Työkauden alku sujui hyvin Kiinan poliittisen tilanteen levottomuudesta huolimatta. Tilanne kuitenkin kiristyi kommunistien saadessa lisää kannatusta. SLS kutsui lähetit pois työalueelta keväällä 1949. Kantele päätti jäädä Kiinaan. Yungšunin seurakunta oli toivonut hänen jäämistään. Lisäksi mahdollisuudet lähetystyön tekemiseen olivat yhä olemassa huolimatta Kiinan kansantasavallan perustamisesta lokakuussa 1949. Olosuhteet alkoivat kuitenkin asteittain kiristyä. Hajanaisten sotilasjoukkojen sekä kommunistiarmeijan liikkuminen ympäri Kiinaa häiritsivät lähetystyötä. Sotilaat muun muassa valtasivat lähetysasemia käyttöönsä. Ongelmana olivat myös inflaatio ja postin kulun epävarmuus. Henkilökohtaisesti Kanteletta vaivasi myös tunne oman uskonsa heikkoudesta. Vuonna 1950 Kiinan poliittiset uudistukset rajoittivat lähetystyötä entisestään. Heinäkuussa julkaistu Kirkkojen manifesti vaati kirkkojen pikaista irrottautumista ulkomaisista yhteyksistään, käytännössä lähetysjärjestöistä. Samana vuonna aloitettiin maareformi. Seurakuntiin asetettiin kokoontumiskielto reformin toteuttamisen ajaksi. Yungšunissa kieltoa ei kumottu enää Kanteleen työkauden aikana. Uudistusten myötä Kanteleen liikkumisvapautta rajoitettiin. Viranomaiset hakivat hänet välillä moneksi päiväksi kuulusteluihin. Lopulta hän eli käytännössä vankina asemallaan. Tammikuussa 1951 hän koki, ettei lähetystyön tekemiseen ole mahdollisuuksia, ja anoi maastapoistumislupaa viranomaisilta. Alkoi pitkä ja epävarma odotus. Kantele alkoi laulaa kiinankielisiä virsiä kovaan ääneen asemalla koska koki, että se oli ainoa jäljellä oleva keino levittää kristinuskon sanomaa. Tapansa vuoksi hänet tunnettiin laulavana evankelistana. Tie kotiin avautui lopulta heinäkuussa 1951. Kantele koki työnsä lähetyssaarnaajana tärkeäksi ja rakkaaksi. Hän oli valmis työskentelemään hankalissa olosuhteissa. Hän oli hyvin ihmisläheinen ja kuvaili kirjeissään paljon tapaamiaan ihmisiä. Kantele oli käytännön ihminen eikä hänen kirjoituksissaan ole havaittavissa taipumusta opillisiin pohdintoihin.

Ihmisoikeusperusteista ulkopolitiikkaa : kansalaisjärjestöjen vaikutus Suomen suhtautumiseen Etelä-Afrikan järjestelmälliseen rotuerotteluun vuosina 1985-1987.

Apartheid eli rotuerottelupolitiikka sai virallisen statuksen Etelä-Afrikassa vuonna 1948. Merkittävimpänä Etelä-Afrikan sisäisenä apartheidpolitiikkaa vastustavana järjestönä profiloitui African National Congress. ANC:n ja kommunistien yhteydet pitivät johtavat länsivallat ja Etelä-Afrikan tärkeimmät kauppakumppanit Yhdysvallat ja Iso-Britannian puuttumatta maan sisäisiin asioihin. 1960-luvulla ANC:n toiminta meni maan alle ja kansainvälinen antiapartheidliikehdintä sai paljon nostetta.Suomessa Etelä-Afrikan apartheidpolitiikan vastustus tuli osaksi 60-luvun vasemmistopainotteisten opiskelijaliikkeiden retoriikkaa, mutta 1980-luvulle tultaessa antiapartheid-liikkeen suomalainen haara koostui sekä vasemmistolaisista että oikeistolaisista jäsenistä. Myös kirkon merkittävä rooli tässä ulkopoliittisessa kysymyksessä on merkittävä. Tutkin kansalaisjärjestöjen vaikutusmahdollisuuksia ulkopolitiikkaan ja yleensäkin Suomen ulkopolitiikassa tapahtunutta murrosta realismista ihmisoikeudelliseen lähestymistapaan. Olen tullut johtopäätökseen, että tarkastelemani ajanjakson maailmanpoliittinen tilanne ei vaikuttanut totutun lailla Suomen ulkopoliittiseen päätöksentekoon: käsitteenä suomettumattomuus kuvaa tilannetta hyvin. Apartheidkysymys ei ollut taloudellisesti merkittävä, sillä kauppa Suomen ja Etelä-Afrikan välillä oli todella pientä. Aikanaan sitä kuitenkin käytettiin perusteluna suhteiden jatkamiselle ja tutkijalle tulikin käsitys, että pelaajina tässä olivat lähinnä antiapartheid-liike, kirkko sekä ay-liike yhtenä rintamana elinkeinoelämää vastaan. Elinkeinoelämän edustajana tässä nähtiin reaalipolitiikkaan tukeutunut ulkoministeriö. Suomen ihmisoikeuspolitiikka oli näkymätöntä verrattuna muihin Pohjoismaihin ja se kulki lähes aina YK:n kautta universaalisuusperiaatteeseen ja puolueettomuuspolitiikkaan vedoten. Monenkeskisessä maailmassa poliittinen mahdollisuusrakenne muuttui ja kolmannen sektorin toimijat saivat ulkopoliittista painoarvoa. Suomi kielsi Etelä-Afrikan kaupan vuonna 1987 kansalaisyhteiskunnasta kaikuneiden vaatimusten takia. Suurimpina toimijoina olivat Auto- ja Kuljetusalan Työntekijäliitto AKT, Eristetään Etelä-Afrikka kampanja EELAK ja Suomen luterilainen kirkko. AKT:n tavarankuljetusboikotti 1985 oli merkittävin konkreettinen toimenpide, jolla hallitusta painostettiin lopettamaan Etelä-Afrikan kauppa. Kyseessä oli ensimmäinen kerta, kun kansalaisjärjestöillä oli merkittävää vaikutusta Suomen ulkopolitiikkaan ja ainoa kerta, kun Suomi on asettanut jonkun maan talousboikottiin ilman YK:n turvallisuusneuvoston yksimielistä päätöstä. Tutkimus koostuu kansalaisjärjestöaktiivien haastatteluista ja aikaisemman tutkimuskirjallisuuden sekä viranomaislähteiden analyysistä. Ihmisoikeuksien ja yleisen mielipiteen vaikutus ulkopolitiikan hoitoon kylmän sodan liennytysvaiheessa tulee ilmi myös kansainvälisten suhteiden turbulenssi-teoriaa soveltamalla. Suomalainen kehitys antiapartheidliikehdinnässä kulki Pohjoismaiden perässä.

Review of trend detection methods and their application to detect temperature changes in India

Present study performs the spatial and temporal trend analysis of annual, monthly and seasonal maximum and minimum temperatures (t(max), t(min)) in India. Recent trends in annual, monthly, winter, pre-monsoon, monsoon and post-monsoon extreme temperatures (t(max), t(min)) have been analyzed for three time slots viz. 1901-2003,1948-2003 and 1970-2003. For this purpose, time series of extreme temperatures of India as a whole and seven homogeneous regions, viz. Western Himalaya (WH), Northwest (NW), Northeast (NE), North Central (NC), East coast (EC), West coast (WC) and Interior Peninsula (IP) are considered. Rigorous trend detection analysis has been exercised using variety of non-parametric methods which consider the effect of serial correlation during analysis. During the last three decades minimum temperature trend is present in All India as well as in all temperature homogeneous regions of India either at annual or at any seasonal level (winter, pre-monsoon, monsoon, post-monsoon). Results agree with the earlier observation that the trend in minimum temperature is significant in the last three decades over India (Kothawale et al., 2010). Sequential MK test reveals that most of the trend both in maximum and minimum temperature began after 1970 either in annual or seasonal levels. (C) 2012 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

论超声速燃烧

论述了超声速燃烧概念，提出了对超声速燃烧的两种不同理解，论述了超声速燃烧与亚声速燃烧的不同，指出了超声速燃烧传播机制的特点和等截面超声速燃烧加热量的限制。通过超声速流动中的燃烧分析，表明定常爆燃产生的熵增和总压损失随燃烧速度的增加而减少。还论述了在欠驱动弱斜爆轰解条件下，波角不受斜劈角控制，只决定于燃烧速度，因此此解可能变成常波角的自持斜爆轰。

Diagnóstico agro-socioeconómico del sistema agrario de la zona Posoltega - Quezalguaque en la Cordillera de los Maribios

El presente trabajo consistió en un diagnóstico agro socioeconómico del sistema agrario de una zona entre los municipios de Posoltega y Quezalguaque de los departamentos de Chinandega y León que abarca un área de 23 km2 aproximadamente. El estudio se desarrolla bajo la metodología del análisis de sistemas, abarcando los sistemas de cultivo, pecuario y forestales, condiciones económicas y limitaciones de los productores de la zona. La metodología del estudio de zona comprende; la selección de la zona, fuentes secundarias (material bibliográfico, cartográfico de la zona ), un sondeo de zona, división de la zona en sub-zonas homogéneas, historia agraria, realización de encuestas base con la finalidad de elaborar las pre-tipologías ( 45 entrevistas a productores que representan el cien por ciento de productores de la zona). Dando como resultado de las encuestas base tres tipos de pre-tipologías que son; Pequeños productores individuales, Sector cooperativo y Medianos productores individuales, en base a la clasificación que realizó Nitlapan ( 1993 ), de estos se seleccionaron siete casos para un estudio profundo de los sistemas de finca, quedando tres casos para Pequeños productores individuales, tres casos para el Sector cooperativo y un caso para Medianos productores, en base a su representatividad dentro de la zona de estudio. Se dio un seguimiento semanal durante todo el ciclo de primera y postrera del año 1994. dando como resultado al finalizar el ciclo de postrera la realización de los modelos, conocidos como tipologías definidas de sistemas de producción, quedando tres tipos fundamentales de productores que son: Productores de granos básicos que se caracterizan por ser beneficiados de la reforma agraria de la década de los ochenta, Con áreas reducidas para el desarrollo de las distintas actividades y sin posibilidad de aumento, no poseen capital circulante, las actividades no agropecuarias representan mucha importancia, presentan un sistema de cultivo maíz ( Zea mays L ) y frijol común ( Phaseolus vulgaris L.), utiliza sólo mano de obra familiar poco uso de productos químicos por falta de dinero, un sistema forestal bien desarrollado y sus principales limitantes son; la obtención de agua y mala comercialización de sus productos. Los productores con diversificación agropecuaria son individuales privados que se ubican cerca del Umbral de Reproducción Simple ( URS ), con una tendencia hacia el aumento de sus áreas, producto de una gran diversidad de cultivos como; maiz ( Zea mays L), frijol común (Phaseolus vulgaris L ), ajonjoli ( Sesamum indica L ), sorgo ( Sorghum bicolor L ), sorgo escobero ( Sorghum vulgare Pers ), yuca ( Manihot esculenta Cranz), utilizando en cierto grado tracción mécanica y productos químicos, un sistema ganadero reducido y en vías de aumento y con especies menores de mucha importancia para el mantenimiento de la finca, en donde la mayor mano de obra para las labores del campo es familiar y en menor grado mano de obra contratada. Y por último los Medianos productores ganaderos-soyeros que poseen extensas áreas para el desarrollo agrícola y pecuario, son productores individuales privados que sobrepasan en más del cincuenta por ciento, el Umbral de Reproducción Simple, poseen capital circulante para realizar todas sus actividades propias del campo, obtienen préstamos de las entidades bancarias para el desarrollo agrícola en cultivos como soya ( Glycime max (L.) Merrill ) y ajonjolí ( Sesamum indica L ), presentan un desarrollo ganadero de mucha importancia que les proporciona buenos ingresos económicos a la finca y en donde la mayoría de la mano de obra es contratada.

Umbrales del relato y autorreferencia en los libros de viajes españoles contemporáneos

Número monográfico: El viaje y sus discursos