876 resultados para pick-and-place robot


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This thesis investigates how ways of being in different ontologies emerge from material and embodied practice. This general concern is explored through the particular case study of Scotland in the period of the witch trials (the 16th and 17th centuries C.E.). The field of early modern Scottish witchcraft studies has been active and dynamic over the past 15 years but its prioritisation of what people said over what they did leaves a clear gap for a situated and relational approach focusing upon materiality. Such an approach requires a move away from the Cartesian dichotomies of modern ontology to recognise past beliefs as real to those who experienced them, coconstitutive of embodiment and of the material worlds people inhabited. In theory, method and practice, this demands a different way of exploring past worlds to avoid flattening strange data. To this end, the study incorporates narratives and ‘disruptions’ – unique engagements with Contemporary Art which facilitate understanding by enabling the temporary suspension of disbelief. The methodology is iterative, tacking between material and written sources in order to better understand the heterogeneous assemblages of early modern (counter-) witchcraft. Previously separate areas of discourse are (re-)constituted into alternative ontic categories of newly-parallel materials. New interpretations of things, places, bodies and personhoods emerge, raising questions about early modern experiences of the world. Three thematic chapters explore different sets of collaborative agencies as they entwine into new things, co-fabricating a very different world. Moving between witch trial accounts, healing wells, infant burial grounds, animals, discipline artefacts and charms, the boundaries of all prove highly permeable. People, cloth and place bleed into one another through contact; trees and water emerge as powerful agents of magical-place-making; and people and animals meet to become single, hybrid-persons spread over two bodies. Life and death consistently emerge as protracted processes with the capacity to overlap and occur simultaneously in problematic ways. The research presented in this thesis establishes a new way of looking at the nature of Being as experienced by early modern Scots. This provides a foundation for further studies, which can draw in other materials not explored here such as communion wares and metal charms. Comparison with other early modern Western societies may also prove fruitful. Furthermore, the methodology may be suitable for application to other interdisciplinary projects incorporating historical and material evidence.

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Del año 2013 al 2015, los indígenas Emberá desplazados en Bogotá, a causa del reconocimiento que el estado les dio por ser sujetos del desplazamiento, estuvieron obligados a encarar dos formas de gubernamentalidad estatal que tuvieron múltiples consecuencias en su vida cotidiana. La primera de estas formas de gubernamentalidad se manifestó en una ciudadanía multicultural (aquí llamada ciudadanía transitoria) la cual, desde el subsidio de vivienda reconocido con albergues en la ciudad, limitó diferentes derechos Emberá bajo el argumento multicultural de que en la ciudad la cultura y, ellos mismos físicamente, eran vulnerables. La consecuencia de este discurso, con el que se les permitió dormir en un techo digno, fue la de obligarlos en buena medida a asumir su vida en la ciudad como un transito hacia el retorno a su territorio de origen, desde donde habían salido, sobre todo, huyendo de la violencia. Por otra parte, la segunda forma de gubernamentalidad tuvo que ver con una serie de itinerarios burocráticos que asumían los Emberá una vez llegaban a la ciudad. Estos eran recorridos que emprendían por diferentes burocracias de los gobiernos nacional y local con el propósito de exigirle al estado el reconocimiento de sus derechos. En cada uno de estos recorridos se desenmascaraba una forma de violencia estatal (característica del funcionamiento de las burocracias) que, como se puede ver en esta tesis, tenía profundas repercusiones en el día a día de los indígenas Emberá dentro de la urbe.

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Objetivo: Determinar un modelo predictivo para uso del condón y consumo de alcohol como conductas de riesgo relacionadas el contagio de VIH/Sida en mujeres trabajadoras sexuales de la ciudad de Bogotá en el año 2015. Métodos Estudio de tipo transversal con diseño observacional, se tomaron 255 mujeres trabajadoras sexuales de la ciudad de Bogotá; La información analizada fue tomada del estudio realizado en cinco ciudades de Colombia en el año 2015, las hipótesis planteadas se soportaron en la asociación entre las condiciones sociodemográficas, de conocimiento, practicas, hábitos, apoyo social y de ocupación propia de las mujeres trabajadoras sexuales que podían explicar y predecir la adopción de conductas riesgosas para VIH/sida como son el uso del condón y el consumo de alcohol en ejercicio de su ocupación. Resultados El promedio de edad de inicio en el trabajo sexual fue 22,1±7,1 años, tres cuartas partes son solteras y residen en estrato dos y tres; el 96,5% dijo usar el condón con el último cliente y el 27,8% de ellas consumió alcohol durante su último servicio. En la conducta de riesgo uso del condón, se encontraron asociados entre otras, la edad [OR=1,10(1,03-1,17)], vivir en estrato dos [OR=7,7(1,5-39,5)], el ingreso por trabajo sexual [OR=1,0(1,0-1,0)], la disponibilidad del condón para el servicio [OR=0,03(0,008-0,16)] y contar con otro método de planificación (ligadura de trompas) [OR=4,47(1,0-18,3)]. En la conducta de riesgo consumo de alcohol, se encontró asociado ente otros: estrato socioeconómico dos [OR=5,8(1,54-22,3)], nivel de escolaridad secundaria [OR=0,12(0,16-0,96)], vivir con otros familiares [OR=3,45(1,7-7,02)], ingreso por trabajo sexual [OR=1,0(1,0-1,0)] y el sitio donde se ofrece el servicio [OR=0,07(0,04-0,15)]. Después de ajustar, se encontró que las variables que mejor explican el uso del condón fueron edad [OR=1,1(1,02-1,17)] y disponibilidad del condón [OR=0,04(0,008-0,024)], el modelo tuvo poca sensibilidad 33,3% y buena capacidad predictiva (84,6%). Las variables que mejor explicaron el consumo de alcohol durante el servicio fueron edad [OR= 0,95(0,91-0,98)], Número de clientes por semana [OR=0,9(0,90-0,98)], sitio donde ofrece el servicio [OR=7,1(3,45-14,8)], y estrato socioeconómico [OR=1,8 (0,90-3,83)], resultando un modelo con buena sensibilidad (71,8%) y buena capacidad predictiva (86,4%). Conclusiones Aspectos como la edad, el estrato socioeconómico, escolaridad, estado civil, ingreso económico por trabajo sexual, edad de inicio en el trabajo sexual, número de clientes antiguos en la última semana, disponibilidad del condón para prestar el servicio y ligadura de trompas como método diferente de planificación, se asociaron estadísticamente con el uso del condón. Sin embargo al ajustar las variables solo la edad y la disponibilidad del condón se mantuvieron como variables explicativas. Cabe anotar, que aunque el modelo mostró buena capacidad predictiva (84,6%), la precisión en sus estimaciones fue baja debido a la poca frecuencia del no uso del condón con el ultimo cliente (3,5%), y la sensibilidad del modelo apenas fue del 33,3%. Por otro lado, factores como la edad, el estrato socioeconómico, nivel educativo, ingreso económico, sitio de oferta del servicio, composición familiar, número de hijos, número de clientes atendidos en la última semana y número de clientes antiguos mostraron asociación estadística con el consumo de alcohol. Sin embargo, al ajustar las variables solo edad, estrato socioeconómico, sitio donde se ofrece el servicio y número de clientes por semana mantuvieron asociación estadística; observándose además que el estrato socioeconómico (uno y dos) y sitio donde se ofrece el servicio (establecimiento), son factores de riesgo para el consumo de alcohol en ejercicio de la ocupación y la poca edad y un número reducido de clientes por semana se comportan como factores de protección para el consumo de alcohol. El modelo predictivo que se desarrolló para la conducta de riesgo de consumo de alcohol, con una sensibilidad del 71,8% y un poder predictivo del 86,4%. .

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In this paper we focus on the challenging problem of place categorization and semantic mapping on a robot with-out environment-specific training. Motivated by their ongoing success in various visual recognition tasks, we build our system upon a state-of-the-art convolutional network. We overcome its closed-set limitations by complementing the network with a series of one-vs-all classifiers that can learn to recognize new semantic classes online. Prior domain knowledge is incorporated by embedding the classification system into a Bayesian filter framework that also ensures temporal coherence. We evaluate the classification accuracy of the system on a robot that maps a variety of places on our campus in real-time. We show how semantic information can boost robotic object detection performance and how the semantic map can be used to modulate the robot’s behaviour during navigation tasks. The system is made available to the community as a ROS module.

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In this paper we present a novel algorithm for localization during navigation that performs matching over local image sequences. Instead of calculating the single location most likely to correspond to a current visual scene, the approach finds candidate matching locations within every section (subroute) of all learned routes. Through this approach, we reduce the demands upon the image processing front-end, requiring it to only be able to correctly pick the best matching image from within a short local image sequence, rather than globally. We applied this algorithm to a challenging downhill mountain biking visual dataset where there was significant perceptual or environment change between repeated traverses of the environment, and compared performance to applying the feature-based algorithm FAB-MAP. The results demonstrate the potential for localization using visual sequences, even when there are no visual features that can be reliably detected.

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The chief challenge facing persistent robotic navigation using vision sensors is the recognition of previously visited locations under different lighting and illumination conditions. The majority of successful approaches to outdoor robot navigation use active sensors such as LIDAR, but the associated weight and power draw of these systems makes them unsuitable for widespread deployment on mobile robots. In this paper we investigate methods to combine representations for visible and long-wave infrared (LWIR) thermal images with time information to combat the time-of-day-based limitations of each sensing modality. We calculate appearance-based match likelihoods using the state-of-the-art FAB-MAP [1] algorithm to analyse loop closure detection reliability across different times of day. We present preliminary results on a dataset of 10 successive traverses of a combined urban-parkland environment, recorded in 2-hour intervals from before dawn to after dusk. Improved location recognition throughout an entire day is demonstrated using the combined system compared with methods which use visible or thermal sensing alone.

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Background Maintenance of communication is important for people with dementia living in long-term care. The purpose of this study was to assess the feasibility of using “Giraff”, a telepresence robot to enhance engagement between family and a person with dementia living in long-term care. Methods A mixed-methods approach involving semi-structured interviews, call records and video observational data was used. Five people with dementia and their family member participated in a discussion via the Giraff robot for a minimum of six times over a six-week period. A feasibility framework was used to assess feasibility and included video analysis of emotional response and engagement. Results Twenty-six calls with an average duration of 23 mins took place. Residents showed a general state of positive emotions across the calls with a high level of engagement and a minimal level of negative emotions. Participants enjoyed the experience and families reported that the Giraff robot offered the opportunity to reduce social isolation. A number of software and hardware challenges were encountered. Conclusions Participants perceived this novel approach to engage families and people with dementia as a feasible option. Participants were observed and also reported to enjoy the experience. The technical challenges identified have been improved in a newer version of the robot. Future research should include a feasibility trial of longer duration, with a larger sample and a cost analysis.

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This thesis demonstrates that robots can learn about how the world changes, and can use this information to recognise where they are, even when the appearance of the environment has changed a great deal. The ability to localise in highly dynamic environments using vision only is a key tool for achieving long-term, autonomous navigation in unstructured outdoor environments. The proposed learning algorithms are designed to be unsupervised, and can be generated by the robot online in response to its observations of the world, without requiring information from a human operator or other external source.

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In this comment, we pick up three points raised by Ohndorf et al. (2015) in their reply to our ethical assessment of the German Advisory Council’s Budget Approach (WBGUBA). First, we discuss and clarify the relationship between ethics and political feasibility, highlighting that the way Ohndorf et el. use feasibility creates an unwarranted status quo bias. Second, we explain the proper place historical responsibility should have within the WBGUBA, stressing the fact that the reasons why we choose one policy proposal over another matter. Third, we analyze the limited extent to which a normative heuristic should motivate an ethically ambitious policy proposal like the WBGUBA.

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This article describes the Robot Vision challenge, a competition that evaluates solutions for the visual place classification problem. Since its origin, this challenge has been proposed as a common benchmark where worldwide proposals are measured using a common overall score. Each new edition of the competition introduced novelties, both for the type of input data and subobjectives of the challenge. All the techniques used by the participants have been gathered up and published to make it accessible for future developments. The legacy of the Robot Vision challenge includes data sets, benchmarking techniques, and a wide experience in the place classification research that is reflected in this article.

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The current world situation is plagued by “wicked problems” and a widespread sense of “things are going to get worse”. We confront the almost imponderable consequences of global habitat destruction and climate change, as well as the meltdown of the financial markets with their largely yet to be seen damage to the “real economy”. These things will have considerable negative impacts on the social system and people's lives, particularly the disadvantaged and socially excluded, and require innovative policy and program responses delivered by caring, intelligent, and committed practitioners. These gargantuan issues put into perspective the difficulties that confront social, welfare, and community work today. Yet, in times of trouble, social work and human services tend to do well. For example, although Australian Social Workers and Welfare and Community Workers have experienced phenomenal job growth over the past 5 years, they also have good prospects for future growth and above average salaries in the seventh and sixth deciles, respectively (Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations, 2008). I aim to examine the host of reasons why the pursuit of social justice and high-quality human services is difficult to attain in today's world and then consider how the broadly defined profession of social welfare practitioners may collectively take action to (a) respond in ways that reassert our role in compassionately assisting the downtrodden and (b) reclaim the capacity to be a significant body of professional expertise driving social policy and programs. For too long social work has responded to the wider factors it confronts through a combination of ignoring them, critiquing from a distance, and concentrating on the job at hand and our day-to-day responsibilities. Unfortunately, “holding the line” has proved futile and, little by little, the broad social mandate and role of social welfare has altered until, currently, most social programs entail significant social surveillance of troublesome or dangerous groups, rather than assistance. At times it almost seems like the word “help” has been lost in the political and managerial lexicon, replaced by “manage” and “control”. Our values, beliefs, and ethics are under real threat as guiding principles for social programs.

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There is a growing body of literature within social and cultural geography that explores notions of place, space, culture, race and identity. The more recent works suggest that places are experienced and understood in multiple ways and are embedded within an array of politics. Memmott and Long, who have undertaken place-based research with Australian Indigenous people, present the theoretical position that ‘place is made and takes on meaning through an interaction process involving mutual accommodation between people and the environment’. They outline that places and their cultural meanings are generated through one or a combination of three types of people–environment interactions. These include: a place that is created by altering the physical characteristics of a piece of environment and which might encompass a feature or features which are natural or made; a place that is created totally through behaviour that is carried out within a specific area, therefore that specific behaviour becomes connected to that specific place; and a place created by people moving or being moved from one environment to another and establishing a new place where boundaries are created and activities carried out. All these ideas of places are challenged and confirmed by what Indigenous women have said about their particular use of, and relationship with, space within several health services in Rockhampton, Central Queensland. As my title suggests, Indigenous women do not see themselves as ‘neutral’ or ‘non-racialised’ citizens who enter and ‘use’ a supposedly neutral health service. Instead, Aboriginal women demonstrate they are active recognisers of places that would identify them within the particular health place. That is, they as Aboriginal women didn’t just ‘make’ place, the places and spaces ‘make’ them. The health services were identified as sites within which spatial relations could begin to grow with recognition of themselves as Aboriginal women in place, or instead create a sense of marginality in the failure of the spaces to identify them. The women’s voices within this paper are drawn from interviews undertaken with twenty Aboriginal women in Rockhampton, Central Queensland, Australia, who participated in a research project exploring ‘how the relationship between health services and Aboriginal women can be more empowering from the viewpoints of Aboriginal women’. The assumption underpinning this study was that empowering and re-empowering practices for Aboriginal women can lead to improved health outcomes. Throughout the interviews women shared some of their lived realities including some of their thoughts on identity, the body, employment in the health sector, service delivery and their notions of health service spaces and places. Their thoughts on health service spaces and places provide an understanding of the lived reality for Aboriginal women and are explored and incorporated within this paper.

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There is a growing evidence-base in the epidemiological literature that demonstrates significant associations between people’s living circumstances – including their place of residence – and their health-related practices and outcomes (Leslie, 2005; Karpati, Bassett, & McCord, 2006; Monden, Van Lenthe, & Mackenbach, 2006; Parkes & Kearns, 2006; Cummins, Curtis, Diez-Roux, & Macintyre, 2007; Turrell, Kavanagh, Draper, & Subramanian, 2007). However, these findings raise questions about the ways in which living places, such as households and neighbourhoods, figure in the pathways connecting people and health (Frolich, Potvin, Chabot, & Corin, 2002; Giles-Corti, 2006; Brown et al, 2006; Diez Roux, 2007). This thesis addressed these questions via a mixed methods investigation of the patterns and processes connecting people, place, and their propensity to be physically active. Specifically, the research in this thesis examines a group of lower-socioeconomic residents who had recently relocated from poorer suburbs to a new urban village with a range of health-related resources. Importantly, the study contrasts their historical relationship with physical activity with their reactions to, and everyday practices in, a new urban setting designed to encourage pedestrian mobility and autonomy. The study applies a phenomenological approach to understanding living contexts based on Berger and Luckman’s (1966) conceptual framework in The Social Construction of Reality. This framework enables a questioning of the concept of context itself, and a treatment of it beyond environmental factors to the processes via which experiences and interactions are made meaningful. This approach makes reference to people’s histories, habituations, and dispositions in an exploration between social contexts and human behaviour. This framework for thinking about context is used to generate an empirical focus on the ways in which this residential group interacts with various living contexts over time to create a particular construction of physical activity in their lives. A methodological approach suited to this thinking was found in Charmaz’s (1996; 2001; 2006) adoption of a social constructionist approach to grounded theory. This approach enabled a focus on people’s own constructions and versions of their experiences through a rigorous inductive method, which provided a systematic strategy for identifying patterns in the data. The findings of the study point to factors such as ‘childhood abuse and neglect’, ‘early homelessness’, ‘fear and mistrust’, ‘staying indoors and keeping to yourself’, ‘conflict and violence’, and ‘feeling fat and ugly’ as contributors to an ongoing core category of ‘identity management’, which mediates the relationship between participants’ living contexts and their physical activity levels. It identifies barriers at the individual, neighbourhood, and broader ecological levels that prevent this residential group from being more physically active, and which contribute to the ways in which they think about, or conceptualise, this health-related behaviour in relationship to their identity and sense of place – both geographic and societal. The challenges of living well and staying active in poorer neighbourhoods and in places where poverty is concentrated were highlighted in detail by participants. Participants’ reactions to the new urban neighbourhood, and the depth of their engagement with the resources present, are revealed in the context of their previous life-experiences with both living places and physical activity. Moreover, an understanding of context as participants’ psychological constructions of various social and living situations based on prior experience, attitudes, and beliefs was formulated with implications for how the relationship between socioeconomic contextual effects on health are studied in the future. More detailed findings are presented in three published papers with implications for health promotion, urban design, and health inequalities research. This thesis makes a substantive, conceptual, and methodological contribution to future research efforts interested in how physical activity is conceptualised and constructed within lower socioeconomic living contexts, and why this is. The data that was collected and analysed for this PhD generates knowledge about the psychosocial processes and mechanisms behind the patterns observed in epidemiological research regarding socioeconomic health inequalities. Further, it highlights the ways in which lower socioeconomic living contexts tend to shape dispositions, attitudes, and lifestyles, ultimately resulting in worse health and life chances for those who occupy them.

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As the economic and social benefits of creative industries development become increasingly visible, policymakers worldwide are working to create policy drivers to ensure that certain places become or remain ‘creative places’. Richard Florida’s work has become particularly influential among policymakers, as has Landry’s. But as the first wave of creative industrial policy development and implementation wanes, important questions are emerging. It is by now clear that an ‘ideal creative place’ has arisen from creative industries policy and planning literature, and that this ideal place is located in inner cities. This article shifts its focus away from the inner city to where most Australians live: the outer suburbs. It reports on a qualitative research study into the practices of outer-suburban creative industries workers in Redcliffe, Australia. It argues that the accepted geography of creative places requires some recalibration once the material and experiential aspects of creative places are taken into account.

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Our society operates in such a way as to put whiteness at the center of everything, including individual consciousness--so much so that we seldom question the centrality of white- ness, and most people, on hearing 'race', hear 'black'. That is, whiteness is treated as the norm, against which all differences are measured. 1 Race shapes white women's lives. In the same way that both men's and women's lives are shaped by their gender, and that both heterosexual and lesbian women's experiences in the world are marked by their sexuality, white people and people of color live racially structured lives. In other words, any system of differentiation shapes those on whom it bestows privi- lege as well as those it oppresses. White people are 'raced' just as men are 'gendered'. 2