Obama e a Reforma Penal: de te fabula narratur

A repercussão da visita do presidente americano Barack Obama à prisão federal de El Reno, no estado de Oklahoma, foi grande. Nas redes sociais, entre quarta (15) e sexta (17), houve mais de 220 mil menções em inglês à iniciativa histórica de Obama, que se converteu no primeiro presidente dos EUA a visitar, durante o mandato, um presídio federal.

Corte suprema e constitucional? propostas de reformas do Supremo Tribunal Federal e os modelos de controle de constitucionalidade

Existem duas formas de controle de constitucionalidade: o modelo difuso, de origem norte-americana, e o modelo concentrado, de origem européia. O presente trabalho, em uma primeira parte, analisa estes modelos no direito comparado, buscando compreender suas principais características. Posteriormente, descrevemos as propostas de criação de um tribunal constitucional no Brasil, durante a Assembléia Nacional Constituinte (ANC) de 1987-1988, evidenciando suas diferenças. Por fim, a partir das discussões na ANC, comentamos algumas propostas de emenda à constituição em trâmite no Congresso que pretendem estabelecer um mandato aos ministros e ampliar os critérios de indicação dos mesmos.

Um sistema de metas como ferramenta de gestão pública: "O Programa de Metas da Cidade de São Paulo 2013-2016" sob a perspectiva de seus implementadores

This work, developed within the Master's Degree Program in Public Administration and Government of Eaesp-FGV, consists of an exploratory study on performance measurement in the public sector. It is focused on the identification of complexity elements embedded in the implementation of public policies, to which the goals and targets of a target-oriented system relate, and especially on the implementation of this system as a management tool itself, from the case study of the then ongoing "Programa de Metas da Cidade de São Paulo 2013-2016". All information was obtained from municipal managers, in Government Departments responsible for strategic support activities to the implementation of the system, and sectoral Government Departments whose scope also included crosscutting actions, through interviews conducted from a starting question, and then followed by the free talk of the respondents. Through discourse analysis, an assortment of information was conducted, concerning to: 1) the impacts on management, articulation, and governance of the use of performance measurement and result-oriented management; 2) the flow and publicity of information on performance, produced within the monitoring process of this given target-oriented system, and also concerning the use given to this information; 3) the recording and register of experiences and learning related to the Programa de Metas, and its potential to result as a legacy for the public administrative structure of the City of São Paulo. Assuming that the stories managers tell, in this field of Applied Social Sciences, are as valid as Science or the theoretical constructs on the subject, all information gathered from the point of view of the interviewed public officials was segmented and problematized under the light of the literature on performance measurement. The main objective of this research is to contribute to the creation of parameters for qualitative analysis of the information generated in the implementation of a target-oriented system in Public Management at the local level. It is, from then on, expected that these parameters may help managers and researchers on the monitoring and evaluation of performance of a given government, by favoring the translation of merely arithmetic data on percentage of fulfillment of specific commitments, into eloquent elements more enabled to express the evolution of a mandate. Keywords: result-oriented system, Programa de Metas, management for results, performance measurement, government planning, public policy evaluation, monitoring, implementation, transparency, information legacy.

O uso das Forças Armadas em atividades subsidiárias: o caso da Marinha do Brasil

A partir da redemocratização, as Forças Armadas passaram a assumir de forma cada vez mais frequente atividades estranhas à sua função precípua de defesa externa. Esse estudo pretendeu analisar o caso da Marinha do Brasil, e avaliar o impacto, para a Força, da assunção de funções subsidiárias. Para isso, foram coletados dados sobre a parcela de recursos provisionados à Marinha, para o financiamento de tais atividades, e sobre o quantitativo de pessoal e meios da Força Naval reservados ao cumprimento dessas missões. Os dados orçamentários foram levantados através de consulta ao Sistema do Plano Diretor, sistema informatizado específico da Marinha do Brasil. Os dados estatísticos foram extraídos do Anuário Estatístico da Marinha 2013/2014; do Memento nº 68 do Ministério da Defesa; junto às Organizações Militares da Marinha; em pesquisas realizadas nos sites da intranet e em publicações da Força Naval. Os resultados evidenciam que houve um crescimento considerável dos recursos destinados ao financiamento das atividades subsidiárias, ao longo do período 2001-2014, mais evidente a partir do governo Luís Inácio Lula da Silva e perpassando o mandato de Dilma Rousseff. Apesar disso, eles somam apenas 2% dos valores destinados à Força Naval em 2014, fatia que revela-se modesta diante da mobilização de pessoal e meios operativos necessários ao cumprimento dessas funções. Concluiu-se que o exercício de funções domésticas gera impactos negativos no aprestamento da Força, além de comprometer a qualidade da democracia, ao incentivar a ampliação da atuação militar no universo civil.

Conflito de agência no consórcio DPVAT: uma análise à luz da nova economia institucional sob a perspectiva da teoria da agência

Diferentes arranjos institucionais resultam em diferentes incentivos para a realização de trocas econômicas. Com efeito, estruturas regulatórias implementadas em determinado contexto histórico-econômico podem resultar em consequências diversas daquelas originariamente pretendidas, impondo ao regulador a necessidade de constante monitoramento e de intervenções com vistas a diagnosticar e corrigir ou minimizar possíveis distorções nas relações entre os atores envolvidos. Assim, esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar o funcionamento do Consórcio do Seguro DPVAT como mecanismo de conexão entre seus diversos stakeholders. Pretende-se analisar a existência de conflitos de interesses derivados das diversas relações entre as partes interligadas – geradas pelo arranjo institucional firmado para a gestão dos recursos arrecadados com os prêmios pagos pelos proprietários de veículo automotor para o Seguro de Danos Pessoais Causados por Veículos Automotores de Via Terrestre, ou por sua carga, a Pessoas Transportadas ou Não (DPVAT) – que possam suscitar intervenção regulatória no sentido de evitá-los, ou, ao menos, mitigá-los. A pesquisa é conduzida a partir da identificação dos comportamentos esperados de agentes econômicos autointeressados, tendo por referência os pressupostos da Nova Economia Institucional sob a perspectiva da Teoria da Agência, e do exame das principais mudanças legislativas havidas na estrutura do seguro obrigatório de trânsito no Brasil nos últimos 50 anos. Na sequência, com base em elementos teóricos e empíricos, foram identificados e analisados três conflitos de agência entre os stakeholders do Consórcio DPVAT: o primeiro seria aquele havido entre a entidade gestora do Consórcio DPVAT (agente) e as sociedades seguradoras consorciadas (principal); o segundo conflito observado refere-se à relação mantida entre a entidade gestora do Consórcio DPVAT (agente) e o órgão regulador (principal); e, por fim, o conflito de agência existente entre a seguradora que administra o referido consórcio (agente) e os proprietários de veículo automotor (principal).

Quando o passado se faz presente: os desafios da gestão social no programa nacional de agricultura familiar

A evolução de políticas públicas na esfera rural, anteriormente desenvolvida pelo Ministério da Agricultura, passando para o Ministério do Desenvolvimento Agrário e ganhando prioridade na agenda do governo a partir do mandato do ex-presidente Luis Inácio Lula da Silva ao incorporar no Ministério da Casa Civil a política pública dos Territórios da Cidadania, demonstra o retorno da importância da esfera rural brasileira e de sua população para o desenvolvimento real do país. Tendo a certeza de que a política pública hoje, gerida pelo Ministério da Casa Civil, apresenta um histórico evolutivo e que desde o final da década de 90 já priorizava como ação estratégica a gestão social como pressuposto para uma atuação do Estado pautado por ações e critérios republicanos, foi realizado um levantamento de algumas explicações que apontam a mudança da ação estatal para uma gestão que incorpora a população como um agente importante para o alcance das metas preestabelecidas pelo Estado. Sabendo da real importância do aspecto histórico para a evolução das políticas públicas, este estudo resgatou o Programa Nacional de Fortalecimento Familiar (PRONAF) como objeto de investigação, já que tal política apresenta-se como um grande marco para o desenvolvimento da gestão social nas políticas públicas territoriais. Foi realizada então uma análise de conteúdo de (4) relatórios institucionais que cobrem (4) estados e mais ou menos 100 municípios para evidenciar se as mudanças preconizadas pela atuação do conceito da gestão social estão efetivamente mudando a cultura política do país. O foco para verificação da presente questão ocorre a partir da análise dos Conselhos Municipais de Desenvolvimento Rural (CMDR). As constatações feitas a partir dos relatórios e interpretadas através das categorias trabalhadas no presente estudo demonstram que a realidade social brasileira ainda apresenta fragilidades advindas da formação social do país, apresentando-se como verdadeiros obstáculos para a efetivação do interesse coletivo e para a consolidação de um Estado brasileiro efetivamente republicano

Os limites do desenho institucional: uma investigação empírica dos mecanismos da influência presidencial sobre as agências reguladoras independentes no Governo Federal brasileiro

O trabalho investiga empiricamente o tema da influência presidencial sobre as agências reguladoras independentes (ARIs) no Governo Federal brasileiro, no período 1997-2014, como foco nos processos de nomeação para os cargos de direção destes órgãos, por meio de um método misto de caráter sequencial, combinando técnicas qualitativas e quantitativas. Primeiramente, utilizando a técnica do process tracing, uma análise histórico-comparativa da gênese e consolidação das dez ARIs federais no Brasil busca demonstrar a importância das hipóteses do credible commitment e da emulação institucional como variáveis explicativas da adoção do modelo. Em seguida, a influência política presidencial sobre as ARIs é mensurada analisando-se o padrão das vacâncias de cargos de direção, taxas de conclusão de mandato, bem, como o processo de aprovação das indicações presidenciais pelo Senado Federal. Por fim, são analisados os dados empíricos relativos ao perfil dos nomeados para cargos de direção nas ARIs no período estudado, incluindo variáveis como filiação partidária e qualificação profissional, buscando-se ainda verificar indícios de existência de trade-off entre estas duas dimensões.

Os efeitos das reclamações online na lealdade dos consumidores: um estudo experimental

In an environment of constant change, technological developments, market competition and more informed consumers, the search for a lasting relationship through the conquest of loyalty has become the objective of companies. However, several authors suggest that this loyalty can be affected by negative comments available on the internet. Therefore, this dissertation has as objective to examine if the complaints are available on the internet impact the loyalty to a brand of mobile phone. The research used as the basis the Expanded NCSB model suggest by Johnson et al. (2001), studying five prominent drives of loyalty: image/brand reputation, affective commitment, calculative commitment, perceived value and trust, beyond the satisfaction construct as moderator variable. The research method adopted was the experimental design which included 285 undergraduate students, with the trial which included 285 undergraduate students, with the field study of the mobile industry, specifically, the brands of cell phones. The research approach was quantitative and methods were descriptive statistics, factor analysis, cluster analysis, linear regression and non-parametric test of Wilcoxon for data analysis. Of the 16 hypothesis stemmed from the research model proposed, 12 were confirmed. The results showed that the complaint available on the internet, here represented by the available on the site Reclame Aqui, may impact consumer perceptions about brand loyalty, as well as its antecedents, being that these complaints can affect all the consumers, regardless of historical satisfaction with the brand. It also noted the positive relationship between the independent variables trust, image/brand reputation, perceived value, affective commitment and calculative commitment and the dependent variable - loyalty, even when considering the data obtained after exposure to the complaint. However, no unanimous conclusion that the relationship between these variables was strongest in the group with satisfactory experience. At the first moment of the research, the trust was the most important variable for the formation of loyalty. However, after exposure to treatment, the image/brand reputation, was more relevant. Contributions of the study, limitations and recommendations for future researches are approached in the present investigation

O Plano Diretor como instrumento de gestão da cidade: o caso da cidade de Fortaleza/CE

According to article 182 of the Brazilian Federal Constitution, cities should perform social function, what brings the concept that the city should be a place for one to live well. For that to happen, it should be well administered by its public managers. However, so that there is a sound administration, one that really performs that social function, there must be, first, an efficient planning. We understand that such a thing occurs when the master plan is the main planning instrument of a city and serves as basis for its administration. We notice, however, that in most of the cities the master plan is formulated as a law that regulates urban planning but that both the population and the government most of the times are not aware of its importance concerning the relevant issues related to municipal administration, such as its relationship with the economy, taxation, the social issue, land use regulation, and, in summary, with all the aspects that constitute and that a municipal government should manage in the best possible way. One also knows that, in general, the attempt of city planning has always been connected to the duration of a mandate and that way public managers many times implement restricted measures aiming to just attain a political-electoral objective and publicizing their administration. That implies actions and works that in some cases have negative impacts or ones that cannot be removed from the cities. This study intends to show that the master plan should be the planning instrument guiding the municipal administration but that, however, what we note is a lack of connection between that instrument and the government guidelines of the municipal managers. In order to study what happens to the cities that have a planning which is not taken into account in its administration, we will use the city of Fortaleza, capital of the State of Ceará as a case study. Historically, in Fortaleza the public managers have seldom decided to administer the city in according to the master plans developed for it. We should emphasize that planning begins in the city quite late and until the current days it is being substituted by temporary measures. Through the analysis of the planning process and of the urban management of the city of Fortaleza, especially the master plans predicted since 1933, we explain that if such plans had been implemented, they could have been important tools for its administration to attain a social function, becoming therefore a place for one to live well

Greve do voto: a política da antipolítica nas eleições municipais de 2004 em Fortaleza

This study discusses the use of communication strategies in the dispute for political hegemony in the contemporary society. In order to do so, one starts from the concept of politics in its broad sense, involving, besides parties and parliaments, the groups and organized social movements. The comprehension that the political activity, nowadays, involves the media, made part of this study be focused on the investigation of problems in this relationship. We analyzed, especially, the communication actions promoted by the Grupo Crítica Radical, in which participate, among others, Maria Luiza Fontenelle, former mayor of Fortaleza, and Rosa da Fonseca, former concillor. They left their old parties after a process of self-criticism concerning their incumbencies, partly influenced by the books of Robert Kurz about the collapse of capitalism . After this historical contextualization, one starts the analysis of the campaign Greve do Voto promoted by the Group during the municipal elections of 2004. The production of campaign material, the street drama, the small shows and the fact that the press covered the campaign are discussed starting from the theoretical formulations presented on this research, understanding, this way, the challenge of these groups to build an action against the hegemony allied to the universe of the mass media

Reforma administrativa e gestão de políticas sociais em Mossoró: a falácia dos atores institucionais e sociais

The thesis entitled The administrative reform and social political management in Mossoró: the institutional and social staff's falacy. Comprehends a moment of apprehensiveness and analysis in the reestrcturing process of the city, whose process will show the formation of strategies and deployment of its relation with the social political affectiveness. It represents a single moment in the approach of such a kind of experience in the city. The analysis starts from the third mandate of the Mayor Rosalba Ciarlini Rosado, during the quadriennium 2001/2004, for being the time in which the public management got materialized, such as in the operational way of the social politics. For that, we delimitate this study in two distinct moments: the first one refers to the reform elaboration from the creation of the additional law nº 001/2000 GP/PMM: the second one refers to a practical reform from the social and institutional staff's speech. Within that scenary it was seen that the approaching, though partially, the State Reform and, consequently, the master plan of the state apparatus, which were made of theoretical matrices of such a project locally. However, that is a complex experience, that required the use of field and documental research for the proposed investigation and at the same time, prove the guiding hypothesis of it, what means a grouping of areas like: education, healthy, and social development in only one department City Citizenship Department that is able to materialize a new intitutional arrangement, according to the management principles in the public administration at the govern local level, configuring a reform and not just an institutional adequacy. In that context, it got necessary to apprehending the institutional and social actors' falacy as a way to prove or not the presented hypothesis. Among the first staff, we have the mayor's direct leaders and advisors' perception that express the politcal administrative aspects of the reform and, in the second, the perception of the political view of what has changed concerning the management of the social politics

Os embates entre ciência e política na experiência parlamentar de Josué de Castro

This study want to know how Josué de Castro, the two terms of a congressman, participated in the Brazilian political-ideological debate of the 1950s. For this, search the 61 speeches in the plenary of the House of Representatives and its 14 projects, analyzing them as historical documents that describe an experience, which enables the central category amalgamated the subject and his time, which breaks up the possibilities of new social practices. Unity of action and reflection, the experience of Castro in the Brazilian parliament has got on the basis of a previous flow experiences in the political-institutional and scientific. Together with the personal history, the political intellectual scenario of his time was another variable considered in the first chapter of this work. In the second chapter did an analysis of 32 speeches and projects of the first term of Josué de Castro, grouping them by thematic affinities. The 43 for the second term were discussed in the third chapter, leaving the final considerations answer the research objectives: What are the main interlocutors? What are your political positions? What are the points of rupture and continuity in his political career? Josué de Castro spoke to the Brazilian state directly to the president, some ministers and to the SUDENE, the ONU appears indirectly through the reports of his participations. His political position was a national-developmentalist who embraced the cause of self-determination of the countries, anti-imperialism, agrarian reform and regional planning, strongly inspired by Celso Furtado and San Tiago Dantas. Castro often has blended a liberal and Marxist terminology, relying on different ideologies to do support his fight against hunger

A legitimidade da jurisdição de primeiro grau na concretização dos direitos fundamentais: proposta de um novo modelo jurídico-administrativo para o segundo grau de jurisdição

The current study is about the legitimacy of lower court jurisdiction as a way of exercising basic legal rights, proposing, therefore, a new legal-administrative model for appellate court. In order to achieve that, a demonstration of the importance of basic legal rights in the Brazilian legal system and an open interpretation in light of the Constitution, as a way to affirm said rights, among which are accessibility to the justice system and proper legal protection, is required. As a result, the legitimacy to access the legal system resides in the Constitution, where the interpreter should seek its basic principles to achieve basic legal rights. It is observed that the lack of credibility regarding lower court decisions comes from the dogmatic view of truth born from power, and therefore, that the truth resides in decisions from appellate court and not from lower court judges. A lower court judge holds a privileged position in providing basic legal rights for citizens, considering his close contact to the parties, the facts, and the evidences brought forth. Class action suit is presented as an important instrument able to lead the lower court judge to provide basic legal rights. Small Claims Courts may be used as paradigm to the creation of Appellate State Courts formed by lower court judges, reserving to higher jurisdiction courts and Federal Circuit Courts, the decisions of original competency and the management and institutional representation of the judiciary system. Instilling an internal democratization of the judiciary is also required, which means the participation of lower court judges in electing their peers to chief positions in the court system, as well as establishing a limited mandate to higher court judges.

Democracia brasileira: fortalecimento da participação popular

A democracia tem representado ao longo da História o mais perfeito mecanismo político de convivência social, encontrando na soberania popular seu fundamento e legitimidade. De berço grego, instituiu-se sob princípios que radicavam o poder político no povo, exercido diretamente na ágora ateniense. O iluminismo dos séculos XVII e XVIII reacendeu o ideal democrático, encontrando no positivismo sua base teórica. O poder passou a ser exercido por via de representantes eleitos periodicamente. O locus da atividade política era o parlamento, ambiente fechado e refratário à participação popular, cingida, à época, ao voto do cidadão nos períodos eleitorais. O distanciamento entre governantes e governados gerou déficit de legitimidade no modelo liberal clássico, levando o constitucionalismo do século XX a abandonar o rigor formal positivista, para adotar uma nova hermenêutica, de base axiológica e centrada na participação direta do povo nas instâncias do poder. A Constituição Federal de 1988 compendiou a democracia participativa em seu texto, declarando no parágrafo único, de seu artigo 1º, que todo o poder emana do povo. Consagrou como base da soberania popular o sufrágio universal, o voto direto, secreto e de igual valor, além do plebiscito, do referendo e da iniciativa popular de leis. Garantiu ainda a ação popular como ferramenta de cidadania. A participação popular foi restringida com o advento da Lei nº 9.907/98, que impôs bloqueios processuais para seu exercício, gerando déficit de legitimidade no sistema representativo brasileiro. O propósito desse trabalho é demonstrar a necessidade de se estabelecer um novo espaço público na ordem constitucional do Brasil, de textura aberta e dialógica e de perspectiva emancipatória, que customize a participação do povo nas instâncias do poder, a partir da desburocratização dos instrumentos de soberania popular já existentes e da adoção de outros institutos democráticos semidireto, notadamente a iniciativa popular de emenda à Constituição, a revogação de mandato eletivo e o veto popular

Relações internacionais: o comércio exterior do Brasil e Rio Grande do Norte no período de 1999 a 2008

The period post-war promoted several changes in relations economic, political and social world. Since then, a new division international of labor has delineated, with the great growth of Asian countries. In the field of international relations, the world still appears to transition is not completed because the old institutions were not replaced by new ones and the power of the United States as a major capitalist country remains unshaken, even with the emergence and strengthening of new economic global blocs. With globalization, Brazil emerges with more intensity in the face of new issues global, although its share in transactions trade global hasn‟t changed accordingly. In this sense, the objective of this dissertation is to examine, in a descriptive and critical the development of international relations and trade of Brazil and Rio Grande do Norte with the main blocs in the world from 1999 to 2008. As a secondary objective: to identify the assumptions theoretical that underpinned the decisions governments of the FHC and Lula, in particular, the interference of these terms in international relations and foreign trade. Adopted as the procedure methodological the literature review of the subject, as well as collection and processing of the data of foreign trade. During the Cardoso government has undergone the substantial growth in imports, as part of the economic policy of anti-inflationary, generating large deficits trade. From the first to the second term, with the inflection of exchange rate policy the country has resumed surpluses trade. The choice of government of the autonomy participation increased the relative share of the traditional blocks in total foreign trade and reduced the share of MERCOSUL. In the Lula government, there is the maintenance of some elements of the economic policy of the previous government and the partial shift in the conduct of foreign policy, with the option of autonomy through diversification, raising its stake on the blocks and other emerging countries in total foreign trade Brazilian and reducing the contribution of the traditional blocks such as NAFTA and the European Union. A trend observed in the previous government and deepened in the Lula government was the growth in commodity exports and the decline of manufactured products, confirming the model of conservative insertion of Brazilian exports. The Rio Grande do Norte followed the trend Brazilian in the growth of foreign trade, including in participating conservative, given that the products exported by the state are basically coming from horticulture irrigated and agribusiness. However, in the aspect of destination export, the state followed trajectory distinct from that in the Lula government, with the deepening of trade relations with traditional blocks, especially with the European Union and NAFTA