Democratização do acesso ao ensino superior: os cursos de graduação à distância na UFRN

This thesis pursuits to contextualize the theoretical debate between the implementation of public education policy of the Federal Government focused in a distance learning and legal foundations for its enforcement, in order to raise questions and comments on the topic in question. Its importance is back to provide scientific input and can offer to the academy, particularly in the UFRN, and elements of society to question and rethink the complex relationship between the socio-economic and geographic access to higher education. It consists of a descriptive study on the institutionalization of distance education in UFRN as a mechanism for expanding access to higher education, for both, the research seeks to understand if the distance undergraduate courses offered by the UAB system and implemented at UFRN, promote expanding access to higher education, as it is during implementation that the rules, routines and social processes are converted from intentions to action. The discussion of this study lasted between two opposing views of Implementation models: Top-down and Bottom-up. It is worth noting that the documents PNE, PDE and programs and UAB MEETING reflect positively in improving the educational level of the population of the country It is a qualitative study, using the means Bibliographic, Document and Field Study, where they were performed 04 (four) in 2010 interviews with the management framework SEDIS / UAB in UFRN. The data were analyzed and addressed through techniques: Document Analysis and Content Analysis. The results show that the process of implementation of distance education at UFRN is in progress. According to our results, the research objective is achieved, but there was a need to rethink the conditions of the infrastructure of poles, the structure of the academic calendar, the management of the SEDIS UFRN, regarding the expansion of existing vacancies and the supply of new courses by the need for a redesign as the Secretariat's ability to hold the offerings of undergraduate courses offered by the Federal Government to be implemented in the institution. It was also found that levels of evasion still presents a challenge to the teaching model. Given the context, we concluded that the greatest contribution of UAB and consequently UFRN by distance learning for undergraduate courses (Bachelor in Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry, Geography and Biological Sciences, beyond the bachelor's degrees in Business and Public Administration ) is related to increasing the number of vacancies and accessibility of a population that was previously deprived of access to university

Metodologias de serviços públicos de ATER: estudo em instituições do Rio Grande do Norte

Due to the appreciation of family farming by the Brazilian Federal Government, the Technical Assistance and Rural Extension was induced to restructure and act in a more participative way, culminating in the National Policy of Technical Assistance and Rural Extension (PNATER), changing the profile of technology transfer and knowledge (diffusionism) for an action that uses participatory methodologies focused on exchange of knowledge between farmers and technicians. The process of discussion of the trends of ATER brought the New ATER , with the recognition of agroecology as the main guidance. This research aimed to analyze methods of public ATER developed by institutions of Rio Grande do Norte, under the guidance of New ATER. The research is qualitative. Secondary data were collected through documental research and literature. Primary data were collected through a set of interviews applied to representatives of public institutions ATER, namely EMATER-RN, Diaconia and AACC and representatives of organizations that receive public ATER. The research showed the difficulties of EMATER-RN in implementing of New ATER due to lack of infrastructure and low adherence of the new form of technical assistance and rural extension. It was shown also that the AACC and Diaconia act with ATER through projects with implementation deadlines set, often interrupting ATER while communities are still in need of assistance

Relações de cooperação em consórcios públicos de regiões metropolitanas: análises do CONDIAM/PB e consórcio grande Recife

With the disorganized decentralization occurred in Brazil after the 1988 Constitution, municipalities have risen to the level of federal entities. This phenomenon became known as "municipalism" also brought some negative effects such as low capacity financial, economic and political of these entities. In the face of this reality , the municipalities sought in models of collaborative features to address public policy issues ultrarregionais, one of these models are the Public Consortia. Characterized as the organization of all federal entities that aim to solve public policy implementation alone that they could not, or spend great resources for such. This reality of the municipalities have an aggravating factor when looking at the situation in Metropolitan Regions (MRs). This is because the RMs has a historical process of formation that does not encourage cooperation, since that were created top-down during the military regime. Furthermore, the metropolitan municipalities have significant power asymmetries, localist vision, rigidity earmarked revenues, different scenarios conurbation, difficulty standardization of concepts and others that contribute to the vision of low cooperation of these metropolitan areas. Thus, the problem of this work is in the presence of collaborative arrangements, such as the Public Consortia in metropolitan areas, which are seen as areas of low cooperation. To elucidate this research was used for analysis the cases of CONDIAM/PB and Consórcio Grande Recife/PE, because they are apparently antagonistic, but with some points of similarity. The cases has as foundation the Theory of Common Resources, which provides the possibility of collective action through the initiative of individuals. This theory has as its methodology for analyzing the picture IAD Framework, which proposes its analysis based on three axes: external variables, the arena of action and results. The nature of the method of this research was classified as exploratory and descriptive. For the stage of date analysis, was used the method of document analysis and content, Further than of separation of the cases according to theur especificities. At the end of the study, noted that the CONDIAM/PB was a strategy of municipal government of Joao Pessoa to attract funds from the Federal Government for the purpose of to build a landfill, and over the years the ideology of cooperation was left aside, the prevailing view localist municipalities. In the case of Consórcio Grande Recife/PE, members act with some degree of cooperation, especially the collaborative aspect of the region, however, still prevails with greater strength the power of the state of Pernambuco in the decisions and paths of the consortium. Thus, was conclude that the Public Consortia analyzed are an experience of collaborative arrangement, from the initiative of members, as the theory of common resources says, but has not actually signed as a practice of collective action to overcome the dilemmas faced by metropolitan areas

Gestão territorial e geografia dos transportes : o processo de concessão do Aeroporto Internacional de Brasília

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Departamento de Geografia, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Geografia, 2016.

Gestão democrática nas escolas: a atuação dos diretores escolares e os desafios para sua consolidação na rede municipal de Natal/RN

The democratic management is a challenge for education, on the one hand for its actualization needs a link between the government and the educational institution. From that, research aims to understand the main challenges faced by the school administration to consolidate the management of public schools in Natal/RN. Against this context the methodology used was multiple cases, qualitative approach in which respondent were manager (director, deputy director and coordinator) of the four municipal schools and two representatives of the Democratic Management Commission of a Government departament of Education, Natal/RN. The analysis was made by peers, between schools that had grade superior IDEB that average stipulated by the federal government and two that had grade lower and between managers and representatives of the Secretary. Were used techniques of categorization and content analysis of the speeches of respondents. Was note that managers understand the importance of the participation about whole community in the democratic management, however only one school highlighted means of attracting the parents against to the difficulty of representing these. The lack of knowledge about the democratic management is evident mainly in the pair of schools with lower IDEB. That schools with a lower IDEB adhere to this management as a way to meet rules. So unanimous, the broad role of director hampers knowledge about the legislation. About relationship of the Government department with managers, there are some contradictions between the understanding of the role of the coordinator by managers and representatives of the Government department. It was perceptible the no uniformity about a good relationship between managers and Government department. It was notable features of democratic management in all school units, well as the efforts of the Government department in this scope. However there are also undemocratic features that deserve further study

Acessibilidade e usabilidade em curso online : um desafio para as escolas de governo

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação, 2016.

Cofinanciamento das políticas sociais no contexto do federalismo brasileiro do século XXI

O arranjo federativo pós-Constituição de 1988 vem indicando a maior responsabilidade das unidades federativas e dos munícipios na execução das políticas sociais, ao mesmo tempo que se conferiu maior autonomia na arrecadação tributária. A partir dos anos 2000, as novas regulamentações das políticas sociais nas áreas de educação, saúde e assistência social vêm exigindo um maior esforço de recursos orçamentários dos estados, do Distrito Federal e dos municípios, sem a criação ou aporte de receitas fiscais adicionais. Nas políticas sociais, importantes mudanças legislativas marcam a primeira década do século XXI no Brasil, com implicações diretas no arranjo federativo e por consequência no cofinanciamento das políticas sociais. O objetivo principal do artigo é analisar o montante de recursos aplicados pela União, estados, DF e municípios nas funções orçamentárias: assistência social, saúde e educação, no período de 2002 a 2012, evidenciando o confinaciamento dessas políticas sociais; assim como o de identificar alguns obstáculos criados pelo ajuste fiscal em curso no país para a expansão do cofinanciamento das políticas sociais. __________________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT

Entre critérios, contextos e demandas : a trajetória do Comitê Assessor de Saúde Coletiva do CNPq

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Centro de Desenvolvimento Sustentável, 2014.

Acesso à alimentação como direito social no Brasil : implicações para a sociedade e para o sistema nacional de informações

A Emenda Constitucional 64/2010 garantiu Direito Humano à Alimentação como direito básico e social, alterando o Artigo 6º da Constituição Federal. O artigo analisa as significativas implicações desta alteração na gestão das políticas públicas brasileiras Ao assegurar o Direito à Alimentação como direito básico e social, a Carta constituiu um dever, ou uma obrigação positiva do Estado brasileiro. O artigo discute também o significado desta mudança para o sistema brasileiro de informações, argumentando que já existem fontes de dados e sistema de indicadores construídos para o monitoramento consistente das situações de (in)segurança alimentar e nutricional no país, restando agora ao governo federal e aos gestores do Sistema Brasileiro de Informações Estatísticas e Geográficas definir a regularidade e a frequência da aplicação e divulgação destes instrumentos. Nossa atenção se concentrará basicamente nas possibilidades de uso da Pesquisa de Orçamentos Familiares e da Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra Domiciliar como fontes de dados. _______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT

Agricultural R&D indicators factsheet: Brazil.

Brazil's agricultural research system is by far the region's largest, in terms of both research capacity and spending. Almost half of all agricultural researchers are employed by the main federal government agency, Embrapa, and a further quarter are employed by the state agricultural research organizations (OEPAS). During 2006-2013, agricultural R&D spending rose by 43 percent due to growth at Embrapa and in the higher education sector, particularly among federal universities. At 1.82 percent, spending as a share of AgGDP is the highest in Latin America.

Estruturação e gestão da secretaria especial de saúde indígena : caminhos, atores e institucionalidade

Mestrado (dissertação)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Ciências da Saúde, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Saúde Coletiva, 2016.

Análise do Programa Melhor em Casa : um olhar sobre a atenção domiciliar no âmbito do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS)

Mestrado (dissertação)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Ciências da Saúde, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Saúde Coletiva, 2016.

Le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace d’autodétermination : les cas de l’Accord de Kelowna et de la Loi sur le contrôle par les Premières Nations de leur système d’éducation

L’objectif du présent mémoire est double. D’une part, il cherche à identifier les facteurs qui permettent au gouvernement canadien et aux peuples autochtones de s’entendre sur des politiques publiques, malgré la persistance d’une logique coloniale. Nous verrons que l’atteinte d’une entente est conditionnelle à la légitimité du processus d’élaboration de la politique publique d’un point de vue autochtone. D’autre part, ce travail invite à penser le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination. Étant donné la malléabilité des règles qui encadrent l’élaboration des politiques publiques en contexte canadien, le gouvernement – s’il en a la volonté - peut modeler le processus d’élaboration de façon à le rendre plus égalitaire et donc plus légitime d’un point de vue autochtone. Il sera démontré que, dans une optique de changements progressifs, un tel processus d’élaboration peut permettre aux peuples autochtones de regagner une certaine autonomie décisionnelle et ainsi atténuer les rapports de pouvoir inégalitaires. Notre cadre théorique a été construit à l’aide de différents courants analytiques, issus notamment des littératures sur le colonialisme, sur les politiques publiques et sur la légitimité. La comparaison de deux études de cas, soit les processus d’élaboration de l’Accord de Kelowna et du projet de loi C-33, Loi sur le contrôle par les Premières Nations de leur système d’éducation, permettra d’illustrer nos arguments et d’en démontrer l’applicabilité pratique. En somme, nous verrons comment la première étude de cas permet de concevoir l’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination, et comment la deuxième, au contraire, démontre que cette sphère peut encore en être une d’oppression.

Le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace d’autodétermination : les cas de l’Accord de Kelowna et de la Loi sur le contrôle par les Premières Nations de leur système d’éducation

L’objectif du présent mémoire est double. D’une part, il cherche à identifier les facteurs qui permettent au gouvernement canadien et aux peuples autochtones de s’entendre sur des politiques publiques, malgré la persistance d’une logique coloniale. Nous verrons que l’atteinte d’une entente est conditionnelle à la légitimité du processus d’élaboration de la politique publique d’un point de vue autochtone. D’autre part, ce travail invite à penser le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination. Étant donné la malléabilité des règles qui encadrent l’élaboration des politiques publiques en contexte canadien, le gouvernement – s’il en a la volonté - peut modeler le processus d’élaboration de façon à le rendre plus égalitaire et donc plus légitime d’un point de vue autochtone. Il sera démontré que, dans une optique de changements progressifs, un tel processus d’élaboration peut permettre aux peuples autochtones de regagner une certaine autonomie décisionnelle et ainsi atténuer les rapports de pouvoir inégalitaires. Notre cadre théorique a été construit à l’aide de différents courants analytiques, issus notamment des littératures sur le colonialisme, sur les politiques publiques et sur la légitimité. La comparaison de deux études de cas, soit les processus d’élaboration de l’Accord de Kelowna et du projet de loi C-33, Loi sur le contrôle par les Premières Nations de leur système d’éducation, permettra d’illustrer nos arguments et d’en démontrer l’applicabilité pratique. En somme, nous verrons comment la première étude de cas permet de concevoir l’élaboration des politiques publiques comme espace potentiel d’autodétermination, et comment la deuxième, au contraire, démontre que cette sphère peut encore en être une d’oppression.

Strategic Diplomacies: Indigenous Governance, International Politics, and Natural Resources in Canada

International Relations theory would predict that central governments, with their considerable material resources, would be unlikely to face a challenge from a substate government. However, substate governments, and particularly Indigenous governments, are pushing back against central government control in both domestic and international spheres. Indigenous governments are leveraging their local mining sectors to realize their interests and express local identities—interests and identities that may not be congruent with those of the central government. Applying the case study of the resource extraction sector in Canada, this thesis asks: under what conditions are substate governments able to challenge the authority of central governments in the international arena? Canada’s reliance on the global extractive resource sector is a major driver of its international policy preferences, but the increased engagement of Indigenous governments in the sector challenges the control of the federal government. Focusing on the resource extraction sectors in British Columbia, Saskatchewan, and Ontario, this thesis argues that there is a mutually reinforcing relationship between Indigenous governments’ international engagement and their domestic autonomy; both challenge the parameters of state authority. Both force the state to respond to claims of control from multiple sites and to clarify convoluted policy environments. A confluence of factors—including increased Indigenous connections to the globalized economy, new Canadian regulatory frameworks, and recent Supreme Court of Canada cases regarding Indigenous lands—have all altered the space in which Indigenous governments in Canada participate in the resource extraction sector and produce overlapping or multilevel governance structures. This thesis demonstrates that Indigenous international engagement entrenches the authority and political legitimacy manifest in Indigenous governments’ insistence on equitable and horizontal negotiations in Canada’s lucrative resource extraction sector. A cumulative process occurs in which domestic and international expressions of political autonomy reinforce each other, produce further opportunities to express authority in both environments, and trouble the state’s capacity to fully realize its international policy preferences.