The Schengen Governance Package-another missed opportunity?. IES Policy Brief Issue 2015/1, February 2015

The Schengen Area of free movement is considered to be one of the most substantial and, in the eyes of many, most successful achievements of European integration. In 2014, the ‘Schengen Governance Package’, which alters the rules of the Schengen co-operation, came into force. It is a response to conflict among Member States in maintaining the common zone of freedom of movement. This Policy Brief aims to analyse how this package was developed and to assess whether it represents a suitable response to the conflict and difficulties within the Schengen agreement. The Brief argues that the Governance Package only touches on one part of the problem, namely border controls, whereas it does not deal with solidarity and burden-sharing and hence represents another missed opportunity to improve cooperation in the Schengen Area.

Schengen Anniversary - EPC Special Collection

To mark the 30th anniversary of the Schengen Agreement, the EPC has put together a special collection of EPC papers on Schengen's developments between 2011 and 2014. Signed by France, Germany, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg on 14 June 1985, the Schengen Agreement has paved the way for the development of one of the EU’s most symbolic achievements: the freedom of movement without internal border checks. Although the agreement has been one of the EU’s biggest successes, the Schengen story has not always been a ‘long fleuve tranquille’, particularly in recent years. This year’s anniversary offers the opportunity to revisit the latest developments in the Schengen cooperation and look back at the accomplishments of this landmark agreement.

The Schengen governance package - another missed opportunity? IES Policy Brief Issue 2015/1 February 2015

The Schengen Area of free movement is considered to be one of the most substantial and, in the eyes of many, most successful achievements of European integration. In 2014, the ‘Schengen Governance Package’, which alters the rules of the Schengen co-operation, came into force. It is a response to conflict among Member States in maintaining the common zone of freedom of movement. This Policy Brief aims to analyse how this package was developed and to assess whether it represents a suitable response to the conflict and difficulties within the Schengen agreement. The Brief argues that the Governance Package only touches on one part of the problem, namely border controls, whereas it does not deal with solidarity and burden-sharing and hence represents another missed opportunity to improve cooperation in the Schengen Area.

Did Egypt's Parliamentary Election just trump citizens’ rights? Arab Citizenship Review No. 12, 19 November 2015

Since the Muslim Brotherhood rule was toppled in July 2013, the regime of President Abd al-Fattah al-Sisi has strived to consolidate his one-man rule; he painted the political opposition and civil society as traitors and foreign agents and exploited the fight against terrorism to suppress freedom of expression, justify a crackdown on the press, eclipse justice in courtrooms, throw thousands in prison, and tighten his grip on police forces. The regime has postponed parliamentary elections for some time, while it marginalised and weakened the non-Islamist political parties that helped Sisi take power. He did so by promoting electoral lists with candidates who are loyal to the president, to ensure control over the new assembly and by obstructing any political alliance that could form an opposition. At the same time, the security apparatus has been given free rein to control the public sphere and engineer the electoral process. This may ultimately lead to a parliament that includes no advocates for rights and liberties, which is particularly significant since the incoming assembly will review the huge amount of legislation that President Sisi has issued in the absence of a parliament. In addition, shortly before elections, President Sisi raised questions about the constitution, calling for it to be amended to reduce the powers of the parliament and increase those of the president. It is thus clear that Sisi seeks not only to consolidate his regime, without political opposition, but to free his rule of any effective oversight from society or parliament.

Bioethical perspectives for ageing: the documents produced by the Ethics Councils

Aging attracted keen interest in research, health, education as well as cross-sectors approaches. We researched what has been produced by the National Bioethics/Ethics Councils in the form of opinions or other documents, relating to aging and elderly people. In the websi-tes of the 28 EU councils and 12 other countries, we identified 4 documents relating to aging and 8 opinions, which we analyse. The Councils have proposed to draw the attention and reflection of public opinion to the elderly condition; all agree that the age has its own traits and that matters revert to a “culture of old age”, respect and promotion of a positive aging. Enhance the diversity of modes of aging and the importance of preparing all, promoting literacy for aging, creating social and legal protective elements (Elderly Statute, Observatory of the Elderly Conditions). From the analysis, a set of principles and bioethical elements: [1] respect for human dignity, regardless of the stage of life; [2] recognition of the person’s situation uniqueness to aging; [3] freedom of one’s own decision, which is materialized in respect for autonomy; [4] recognition of the vulnerabilities of the elderly, [5] ethical commitment and social responsibility in monitoring the elderly, [6] non-discrimination by age and [7] the guidance to the conditions of the integral good and quality of life. Aging is an existential step for which we can prepare, on the assumption that human life in its longevity, interweaves those who are older and those younger, on the crucial issue of human existence.

Procéduralisme épistémique et légitimité démocratique : une défense de l'égalité politique

Ce mémoire explore la relation qui lie démocratie et légitimité politique, dans une perspective épistémique. La démocratie, dans son acception la plus générale, confère à chacun la possibilité de faire valoir les intérêts qu'il estime être les siens et ceux de sa communauté, en particulier à l’occasion d’un scrutin. Cette procédure décisionnelle qu’est le vote consacre ainsi en quelque sorte la liberté et l’égalité dont profitent chacun des citoyens, et confère une certaine légitimité au processus décisionnel. Cela dit, si le vote n’est pas encadré par des considérations épistémiques, rien ne garantit que le résultat politique qui en découlera sera souhaitable tant pour les individus que pour la collectivité: il est tout à fait permis d’imaginer que des politiques discriminatoires, économiquement néfastes ou simplement inefficaces voient ainsi le jour, et prennent effet au détriment de tous. En réponse à ce problème, différentes théories démocratiques ont vu le jour et se sont succédé, afin de tenter de lier davantage le processus démocratique à l’atteinte d’objectifs politiques bénéfiques pour la collectivité. Au nombre d’entre elles, la démocratie délibérative a proposé de substituer la seule confrontation d’intérêts de la démocratie agrégative par une recherche collective du bien commun, canalisée autour de procédures délibératives appelées à légitimer sur des bases plus solides l’exercice démocratique. À sa suite, la démocratie épistémique s’est inspirée des instances délibératives en mettant davantage l’accent sur la qualité des résultats obtenus que sur les procédures elles-mêmes. Au final, un même dilemme hante chaque fois les différentes théories : est-il préférable de construire les instances décisionnelles en se concentrant prioritairement sur les critères procéduraux eux-mêmes, au risque de voir de mauvaises décisions filtrer malgré tout au travers du processus sans pouvoir rien y faire, ou devons-nous avoir d’entrée de jeu une conception plus substantielle de ce qui constitue une bonne décision, au risque cette fois de sacrifier la liberté de choix qui est supposé caractériser un régime démocratique? La thèse que nous défendrons dans ce mémoire est que le concept d’égalité politique peut servir à dénouer ce dilemme, en prenant aussi bien la forme d’un critère procédural que celle d’un objectif politique préétabli. L’égalité politique devient en ce sens une source normative forte de légitimité politique. En nous appuyant sur le procéduralisme épistémique de David Estlund, nous espérons avoir démontré au terme de ce mémoire que l’atteinte d’une égalité politique substantielle par le moyen de procédures égalitaires n’est pas une tautologie hermétique, mais plutôt un mécanisme réflexif améliorant tantôt la robustesse des procédures décisionnelles, tantôt l’atteinte d’une égalité tangible dans les rapports entre citoyens.

La tiranía del frac; crónica de un preso.

Mode of access: Internet.

Dennis Fitzgerald, UM football, 1961, in leather helmet

[Fitzgerald was last Michigan player to wear a leather helmet. Pictured holding the model worn by other players, says leather helmet fits better and gives him more freedom of movement. (from note in neg. envelope.)]

Ueber die Freiheit des religiösen Cultus : eine gekrönte Preisschrift /

Includes bibliographical references.

Christian liberty /

Written as a devotional booklet to accompany a letter to Pope Leo X.

Le régime de la liberté des cultes dans le département du Calvados, pendant la première séparation (1795-1802)

Bibliographical footnotes.

Freie Meere!

Mode of access: Internet.

La censure sous le premier empire; avec documents inédits,

Mode of access: Internet.

Pamphlets on currency.

Binder's title.

Towards a lasting settlement,

The basis of permanent peace, by G. L. Dickinson.--Nationality, by C. R. Buxton.--The freedom of the seas, by H. Sidebotham.--The open door, by J. A. Hobson.--The parrallel of the great French war, by Irene C. Willis.--War and the woman's movement, by A. Maude Royden.--The organization of peace, by H. N. Brailsford.--Democracy and publicity in foreign affairs, by P. Snowden.--The democratic principle and international relations, by Vernon Lee [pseud.]