937 resultados para Freedom of conscience
Resumo:
Although he did not write copious novels, endless essays, or long poems, Jorge Luis Borges is considered one of today's best modem writers. His works have never been more than ten pages long. The purpose of this dissertation is to demonstrate that the willing use of concise expression in Borges's writings is inscribed in a poetic worldview of great implications. This view is based on the synthesis of philosophical, literary, and cultural issues that Borges interprets, discusses, refutes, and re-elaborates with a new conjectural approach. This dissertation is based on a methodological review of all his current scholarly work and on a thorough examination of the four volumes of his Complete Works, edited by Emece, in 2002. His pantheistic vision, the epiphanic moments, and his love/hate relationship with language, conform an aesthetic of resounding silence that enlightens the hidden aspects of his brief masterpieces. Even though Borgesian studies flood the library he once imagined, they have been presented in an isolated manner. This dissertation establishes a link among the various aforementioned aspects as studied by Borges scholars, and demonstrates the powerful influence of Borges's illuminating and precise vision. Paradoxically, the poetry of brevity in Borges's works is filled with allusions to the things that Borges silences, because, from a panoramic pantheism, his words almost reach an epiphanic enlightenment that flashes between preterit and future nothingness. By replacing extension with intensity, and mastering the art of omission, Borges's laborious work reaches power and concentration that only the very greatest talents can achieve. His delicate verbal conciseness provides his readers with a virtually infinite freedom of imagination because it exposes them to the chaotic world of mythical probabilities, where an instant encompasses etemity.
Resumo:
From the research and awareness of literary work, this thesis discusses aspects related to the study of homoeroticism and lifestyles in the works Dancer from the Dance (2001) by Andrew Holleran and Pela noite (2010) by Brazilian author Caio Fernando Abreu. Whereas issues about beauty, desire and lifestyle shape cutouts important to the narrative, I propose a discussion by examining the works that mark from the first moments of sexual release party in New York with the peculiarities of their own styles that characterized the Andrew Holleran characters rostificadas by an ethos that he composed during this time opening for freedom of sexual deviant sexualities. In Pela noite, we reiterate a continuation of opening moment in Brazil for gay characters Caio , assuming the early 1980s for those characters is the first " shadows " of AIDS and knowledge of self , in which his characters living with fear, anonymity and reminiscences of homophobia as a backdrop to the discussions that are triggered off by the author . To compose a theoretical framework to subsidize this work , we selected the works of Michel Foucault (2007 , 2010a , 2010b ) , Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick (2008 ) , Didier Eribon (2008 ) , David Cartier (2004 ) , David Eisenbach (2006 ) and other contributions that were undoubtedly essential to this endeavor
Resumo:
This paper deals of the effects generated by institutional designs in the behavior of political actors. The literature that discusses the implications of federal arrangements in the production of public policies to dock at two opposing arguments: (1) the federal configuration would cause dispersion and variation in service provision between subnational governments; and (2) the central government would own mechanisms to induce the provision of national policies in more homogeneous levels, similar to unitary states. The research is part of this discussion because it analyzes the effects of the institutional design of the Sistema Único de Assistência Social (SUAS) in the decisions of states in Brazil. Therefore, we analyzed the institutional capacity built by the 26 state governments after the implementation of SUAS, conceiving this system as defined mechanism of government functions and federative cooperation.It is argued that the existence of a heterogeneous institutional capacity of state governments in social assistance is a result of the autonomy contained in the institutional design of SUAS to this level of government. This freedom of action relativize the idea that the implementation of national public policy systems would generate positive (or homogeneous) effects in all subnational governments, at the same time as it preclude to generalize the premise of fragility of the states in the brazilian federal plan.
Resumo:
Reconhecendo, a partir da constatação empírica, a multiplicidade de escolhas de crenças no Mundo e em particular na periferia urbana paulistana, reconhecemos, também, a emergência criativa de novas possibilidades de crer e não crer. Tal amplitude não apenas aponta para o crer (segundo as ofertas de um sem número de religiões) e o não crer (ateu e agnóstico), mas para uma escolha que poderia vir a ser silenciada e esquecida, neste binômio arcaico e obsoleto, quando alguém se dá à liberdade crer sem ter religião. Reconhecer interessadamente os sem-religião nas periferias urbanas paulistanas é dar-se conta das violências a que estes indivíduos estão submetidos: violência econômica, violência da cidadania (vulnerabilidade) e proveniente da armas (grupos x Estado). Tanto quanto a violência do esquecimento e silenciamento. A concomitância espaço-temporal dos sem-religião nas periferias, levou-nos buscar referências em teorias de secularização e de laicidade, e, a partir destas, traçar uma história do poder violento, cuja pretensão é a inelutabilidade, enquanto suas fissuras são abertas em espaços de resistências. A história da legitimação do poder que se quer único, soberano, de caráter universal, enquanto fragmenta a sociedade em indivíduos atomizados, fragilizando vínculos horizontais, e a dos surgimentos de resistências não violentas questionadoras da totalidade trágica, ao reconhecer a liberdade de ser com autonomia, enquanto se volta para a produção de partilha de bens comuns. Propomos reconhecer a igual liberdade de ser (expressa na crença da filiação divina) e de partilhar o bem comum em reconhecimentos mútuos (expressa pela ação social), uma expressão de resistência não violenta ao poder que requer a igual abdicação da liberdade pela via da fragmentação individualizante e submissão inquestionável à ordem totalizante. Os sem-religião nas periferias urbanas, nossos contemporâneos, partilhariam uma tal resistência, ao longo da história, com as melissas gregas, os profetas messiânicos hebreus, os hereges cristãos e os ateus modernos, cuja pretensão não é o poder, mas a partilha igual da liberdade e dos bens comuns. Estes laicos, de fato, seriam agentes de resistências de reconhecimento mútuos, em espaços de multiplicidade crescente, ao poder violento real na história.
Resumo:
Ce mémoire explore la relation qui lie démocratie et légitimité politique, dans une perspective épistémique. La démocratie, dans son acception la plus générale, confère à chacun la possibilité de faire valoir les intérêts qu'il estime être les siens et ceux de sa communauté, en particulier à l’occasion d’un scrutin. Cette procédure décisionnelle qu’est le vote consacre ainsi en quelque sorte la liberté et l’égalité dont profitent chacun des citoyens, et confère une certaine légitimité au processus décisionnel. Cela dit, si le vote n’est pas encadré par des considérations épistémiques, rien ne garantit que le résultat politique qui en découlera sera souhaitable tant pour les individus que pour la collectivité: il est tout à fait permis d’imaginer que des politiques discriminatoires, économiquement néfastes ou simplement inefficaces voient ainsi le jour, et prennent effet au détriment de tous. En réponse à ce problème, différentes théories démocratiques ont vu le jour et se sont succédé, afin de tenter de lier davantage le processus démocratique à l’atteinte d’objectifs politiques bénéfiques pour la collectivité. Au nombre d’entre elles, la démocratie délibérative a proposé de substituer la seule confrontation d’intérêts de la démocratie agrégative par une recherche collective du bien commun, canalisée autour de procédures délibératives appelées à légitimer sur des bases plus solides l’exercice démocratique. À sa suite, la démocratie épistémique s’est inspirée des instances délibératives en mettant davantage l’accent sur la qualité des résultats obtenus que sur les procédures elles-mêmes. Au final, un même dilemme hante chaque fois les différentes théories : est-il préférable de construire les instances décisionnelles en se concentrant prioritairement sur les critères procéduraux eux-mêmes, au risque de voir de mauvaises décisions filtrer malgré tout au travers du processus sans pouvoir rien y faire, ou devons-nous avoir d’entrée de jeu une conception plus substantielle de ce qui constitue une bonne décision, au risque cette fois de sacrifier la liberté de choix qui est supposé caractériser un régime démocratique? La thèse que nous défendrons dans ce mémoire est que le concept d’égalité politique peut servir à dénouer ce dilemme, en prenant aussi bien la forme d’un critère procédural que celle d’un objectif politique préétabli. L’égalité politique devient en ce sens une source normative forte de légitimité politique. En nous appuyant sur le procéduralisme épistémique de David Estlund, nous espérons avoir démontré au terme de ce mémoire que l’atteinte d’une égalité politique substantielle par le moyen de procédures égalitaires n’est pas une tautologie hermétique, mais plutôt un mécanisme réflexif améliorant tantôt la robustesse des procédures décisionnelles, tantôt l’atteinte d’une égalité tangible dans les rapports entre citoyens.
Resumo:
This dissertation examines Mexico City’s material politics of print—the central actors engaged in making print, their activities and relationships, and the legal, business, and social dimensions of production—across the nineteenth century. Inside urban printshops, a socially diverse group of men ranging from manual laborers to educated editors collaborated to make the printed items that fueled political debates and partisan struggles in the new republic. By investigating how print was produced, regulated, and consumed, this dissertation argues that printers shaped some of the most pressing conflicts that marked Mexico’s first formative century: over freedom of expression, the role of religion in government, and the emergence of liberalism. Printers shaped debates not only because they issued texts that fueled elite politics but precisely because they operated at the nexus where new liberal guarantees like freedom of the press and intellectual property intersected with politics and patronage, the regulatory efforts of the emerging state, and the harsh realities of a post-colonial economy.
Historians of Mexico have typically approached print as a vehicle for texts written by elites, which they argue contributed to the development of a national public sphere or print culture in spite of low literacy levels. By shifting the focus to print’s production, my work instead reveals that a range of urban residents—from prominent printshop owners to government ministers to street vendors—produced, engaged, and deployed printed items in contests unfolding in the urban environment. As print increasingly functioned as a political weapon in the decades after independence, print production itself became an arena in struggles over the emerging contours of politics and state formation, even as printing technologies remained relatively unchanged over time.
This work examines previously unexplored archival documents, including official correspondence, legal cases, business transactions, and printshop labor records, to shed new light on Mexico City printers’ interactions with the emerging national government, and reveal the degree to which heated ideological debates emerged intertwined with the most basic concerns over the tangible practices of print. By delving into the rich social and cultural world of printing—described by intellectuals and workers alike in memoirs, fiction, caricatures and periodicals— it also considers how printers’ particular status straddling elite and working worlds led them to challenge boundaries drawn by elites that separated manual and intellectual labors. Finally, this study engages the full range of printed documents made in Mexico City printshops not just as texts but also as objects with particular visual and material qualities whose uses and meanings were shaped not only by emergent republicanism but also by powerful colonial legacies that generated ambivalent attitudes towards print’s transformative power.
Resumo:
Subspaces and manifolds are two powerful models for high dimensional signals. Subspaces model linear correlation and are a good fit to signals generated by physical systems, such as frontal images of human faces and multiple sources impinging at an antenna array. Manifolds model sources that are not linearly correlated, but where signals are determined by a small number of parameters. Examples are images of human faces under different poses or expressions, and handwritten digits with varying styles. However, there will always be some degree of model mismatch between the subspace or manifold model and the true statistics of the source. This dissertation exploits subspace and manifold models as prior information in various signal processing and machine learning tasks.
A near-low-rank Gaussian mixture model measures proximity to a union of linear or affine subspaces. This simple model can effectively capture the signal distribution when each class is near a subspace. This dissertation studies how the pairwise geometry between these subspaces affects classification performance. When model mismatch is vanishingly small, the probability of misclassification is determined by the product of the sines of the principal angles between subspaces. When the model mismatch is more significant, the probability of misclassification is determined by the sum of the squares of the sines of the principal angles. Reliability of classification is derived in terms of the distribution of signal energy across principal vectors. Larger principal angles lead to smaller classification error, motivating a linear transform that optimizes principal angles. This linear transformation, termed TRAIT, also preserves some specific features in each class, being complementary to a recently developed Low Rank Transform (LRT). Moreover, when the model mismatch is more significant, TRAIT shows superior performance compared to LRT.
The manifold model enforces a constraint on the freedom of data variation. Learning features that are robust to data variation is very important, especially when the size of the training set is small. A learning machine with large numbers of parameters, e.g., deep neural network, can well describe a very complicated data distribution. However, it is also more likely to be sensitive to small perturbations of the data, and to suffer from suffer from degraded performance when generalizing to unseen (test) data.
From the perspective of complexity of function classes, such a learning machine has a huge capacity (complexity), which tends to overfit. The manifold model provides us with a way of regularizing the learning machine, so as to reduce the generalization error, therefore mitigate overfiting. Two different overfiting-preventing approaches are proposed, one from the perspective of data variation, the other from capacity/complexity control. In the first approach, the learning machine is encouraged to make decisions that vary smoothly for data points in local neighborhoods on the manifold. In the second approach, a graph adjacency matrix is derived for the manifold, and the learned features are encouraged to be aligned with the principal components of this adjacency matrix. Experimental results on benchmark datasets are demonstrated, showing an obvious advantage of the proposed approaches when the training set is small.
Stochastic optimization makes it possible to track a slowly varying subspace underlying streaming data. By approximating local neighborhoods using affine subspaces, a slowly varying manifold can be efficiently tracked as well, even with corrupted and noisy data. The more the local neighborhoods, the better the approximation, but the higher the computational complexity. A multiscale approximation scheme is proposed, where the local approximating subspaces are organized in a tree structure. Splitting and merging of the tree nodes then allows efficient control of the number of neighbourhoods. Deviation (of each datum) from the learned model is estimated, yielding a series of statistics for anomaly detection. This framework extends the classical {\em changepoint detection} technique, which only works for one dimensional signals. Simulations and experiments highlight the robustness and efficacy of the proposed approach in detecting an abrupt change in an otherwise slowly varying low-dimensional manifold.
Resumo:
In Western industrialized countries, it is well established that legally competent individuals may choose a surrogate healthcare decision-maker to represent their interests should they lose the capacity to do so themselves. There are few limitations on who they may select to fulfill this function. However, many jurisdictions place restrictions on or prohibit the patient's attending physician or other provider involved with an individual's care to serve in this role. Several authors have previously suggested that respect for the autonomy of patients requires that there be few (if any) constraints on whomever they may appoint as a proxy. In this essay we revisit this topic by first providing a survey of current state laws governing this activity. We then analyze the clinical and ethical circumstances in which potential difficulties could arise. We take a more nuanced and circumspect view of prior suggestions that patients should have virtually unfettered liberty to choose their healthcare proxies. We suggest a strategy to balance the freedom of patients' right to choose their surrogates with fiduciary duty of the state as regulator of medical practice. We identify six domains of possible concern with such relationships and suggest straightforward methods of mitigating their potential negative effects that could be plausibly be incorporated into physician practice.
Resumo:
El objetivo del trabajo es dar a conocer los casamientos secretos efectuados por la Iglesia Católica a espaldas del Rey y las autoridades virreinales en Buenos Aires; especialmente, de funcionarios y oficiales de las fuerzas terrestres y navales de la monarquía en el siglo XVIII. Los análisis se basan en el Derecho Canónico y lo establecido en el Concilio de Trento (1545-1563). Una variada bibliografía relacionada con la constitución de las familias en Europa e Hispanoamérica permitió explorar un marco desconocido de lo ocurrido con estos matrimonios secretos también llamados de conciencia u ocultos. Se explicitan las características de este tipo de nupcias y la casuística encontrada resultado del análisis hermenéutico de las Actas parroquiales porteñas.
Resumo:
El objetivo del trabajo es dar a conocer los casamientos secretos efectuados por la Iglesia Católica a espaldas del Rey y las autoridades virreinales en Buenos Aires; especialmente, de funcionarios y oficiales de las fuerzas terrestres y navales de la monarquía en el siglo XVIII. Los análisis se basan en el Derecho Canónico y lo establecido en el Concilio de Trento (1545-1563). Una variada bibliografía relacionada con la constitución de las familias en Europa e Hispanoamérica permitió explorar un marco desconocido de lo ocurrido con estos matrimonios secretos también llamados de conciencia u ocultos. Se explicitan las características de este tipo de nupcias y la casuística encontrada resultado del análisis hermenéutico de las Actas parroquiales porteñas.
Resumo:
El objetivo del trabajo es dar a conocer los casamientos secretos efectuados por la Iglesia Católica a espaldas del Rey y las autoridades virreinales en Buenos Aires; especialmente, de funcionarios y oficiales de las fuerzas terrestres y navales de la monarquía en el siglo XVIII. Los análisis se basan en el Derecho Canónico y lo establecido en el Concilio de Trento (1545-1563). Una variada bibliografía relacionada con la constitución de las familias en Europa e Hispanoamérica permitió explorar un marco desconocido de lo ocurrido con estos matrimonios secretos también llamados de conciencia u ocultos. Se explicitan las características de este tipo de nupcias y la casuística encontrada resultado del análisis hermenéutico de las Actas parroquiales porteñas.
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Clinical optical motion capture allows us to obtain kinematic and kinetic outcome measures that aid clinicians in diagnosing and treating different pathologies affecting healthy gait. The long term aim for gait centres is for subject-specific analyses that can predict, prevent, or reverse the effects of pathologies through gait retraining. To track the body, anatomical segment coordinate systems are commonly created by applying markers to the surface of the skin over specific, bony anatomy that is manually palpated. The location and placement of these markers is subjective and precision errors of up to 25mm have been reported [1]. Additionally, the selection of which anatomical landmarks to use in segment models can result in large angular differences; for example angular differences in the trunk can range up to 53o for the same motion depending on marker placement [2]. These errors can result in erroneous kinematic outcomes that either diminish or increase the apparent effects of a treatment or pathology compared to healthy data. Our goal was to improve the accuracy and precision of optical motion capture outcome measures. This thesis describes two separate studies. In the first study we aimed to establish an approach that would allow us to independently quantify the error among trunk models. Using this approach we determined if there was a best model to accurately track trunk motion. In the second study we designed a device to improve precision for test, re-test protocols that would also reduce the set-up time for motion capture experiments. Our method to compare a kinematically derived centre of mass velocity to one that was derived kinetically was successful in quantifying error among trunk models. Our findings indicate that models that use lateral shoulder markers as well as limit the translational degrees of freedom of the trunk through shared pelvic markers result in the least amount of error for the tasks we studied. We also successfully reduced intra- and inter-operator anatomical marker placement errors using a marker alignment device. The improved accuracy and precision resulting from the methods established in this thesis may lead to increased sensitivity to changes in kinematics, and ultimately result in more consistent treatment outcomes.
Resumo:
This research looks at how the shift in the status of Egyptian bloggers from underground dissident voices to mainstream political and media players affected the plurality they add to the public space for discourse in Egypt’s authoritarian settings. The role of the internet – and more recently social media and bloggers – in democratic transition has been studied by various media scholars since the introduction of the worldwide web and especially after the Egyptian and Tunisian uprisings of 2011. But no work has been done to study how bringing those once-underground bloggers into the public and media spotlight affected the nature of the blogosphere and the bloggers themselves. Star bloggers were not only covered by the media after January 25th, 2011, they also started joining the media as column writers; a move that had various effects on them and the blogosphere but was never examined in media studies. The plurality the blogosphere adds to the Egyptian public space for discourse in light of those changes as well as in light of the financial and practical sustainability of blogging was hence never looked at in a context similar to Egypt’s. Guided by modified theories of the public sphere and theories of hegemony and manufacturing consent, I look at whether bloggers have been co-opted into the historical bloc in the process of renewing the social order and how this affects them and the online sphere. Also, guided by theories of power and media elites, I look at bloggers’ backgrounds to assess whether they come from power elites and are transforming into media elites, thus limiting the plurality of the online sphere. Finally, guided by theoretical works on institutionalizing and commercializing the internet, I look at how those shifts into mainstream affect the independence and freedom of the blogs and microblogs. The research uses a comparative study to assess how those changes affect prominent versus less prominent bloggers and compare their backgrounds. The study uses quantitative content analysis and framing analysis of chosen media outlets and interviews with bloggers, marketeers and media professionals. The findings trace an increase in media coverage of bloggers post January 25th, 2011, especially in the prominent bloggers category, and an overall positive framing of bloggers post the uprising. This led to the mainstreaming of bloggers into the media as well as public work, which had various implications on the freedom they had over their content and voice, both online and offline. It also points to a dramatic decrease in bloggers’ activity on their blogs in favour of mainstream and social media and due to star bloggers becoming more career-oriented and their failure to make blogs financially sustainable. The findings also indicate that more prominent bloggers seem to come from more elite backgrounds than others and enjoy luxuries that allow them the time, technology and security to post online. This research concludes that the shifts in bloggers’ status post-January 25th have limited the plurality they add to the discourse in Egypt.
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Cuando se aprueba la Constitución Española en 1978, España se convierte en un Estado aconfesional, reconociendo por primera vez un verdadero derecho de libertad religiosa de todos los individuos. Precisamente, el ejercicio de esta libertad en una situación de igualdad ha originado diversas polémicas desde que se instauró la democracia. Una de las controversias que más repercusión ha tenido en los últimos años viene determinada por la presencia de los crucifijos u otros símbolos en las aulas de algunos colegios públicos, cuestión que ha sido abordada por los tribunales españoles, así como por el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos.
Resumo:
The intersection of gender, welfare and immigration regimes has been one of the main focus of a rich scholarship on paid domestic work in Europe. This article brings into the discussion the nexus of employment and immigration law regimes to reflect on the role of legal regulation in structuring and reducing the vulnerability of domestic workers. I analyse this nexus by looking at the cases of Cyprus and Spain, two states falling under the cluster of Southern Mediterranean welfare regimes, that share certain characteristics in terms of immigration regimes, but have substantially different employment law regulation models. The first part sketches the debate on the employment law regulation of domestic work. The second part starts by giving an overview of the immigration regimes of Cyprus and Spain in relation to migrant domestic workers and then proceeds to analyse the two countries’ models and substance of employment law regulation in domestic work. The comparison of these two divergent approaches informs the debate on how the legal regulation of domestic work should be best structured. In Spain there have been recent dynamic legislative changes in the employment law regulation of domestic work. The final part of the article traces these changes and reflects on why such processes have not taken place in Cyprus.