Can the European Union build a bridge over troubled waters? An analysis of the politicised and depoliticised legal approach between the European Union and Cyprus

The Cyprus dispute accurately portrays the evolution of the conflict from ‘warfare to lawfare’ enriched in politics; this research has proven that the Cyprus problem has been and will continue to be one of the most judicialised disputes across the globe. Notwithstanding the ‘normalisation’ of affairs between the two ethno-religious groups on the island since the division in 1974, the Republic of Cyprus’ (RoC) European Union (EU) membership in 2004 failed to catalyse reunification and terminate the legal, political and economic isolation of the Turkish Cypriot community. So the question is; why is it that the powerful legal order of the EU continuously fails to tame the tiny troublesome island of Cyprus? This is a thesis on the interrelationship of the EU legal order and the Cyprus problem. A literal and depoliticised interpretation of EU law has been maintained throughout the EU’s dealings with Cyprus, hence, pre-accession and post-accession. The research has brought to light that this literal interpretation of EU law vis-à-vis Cyprus has in actual fact deepened the division on the island. Pessimists outnumber optimists so far as resolving this problem is concerned, and rightly so if you look back over the last forty years of failed attempts to do just that, a diplomatic combat zone scattered with the bones of numerous mediators. This thesis will discuss how the decisions of the EU institutions, its Member States and specifically of the European Court of Justice, despite conforming to the EU legal order, have managed to disregard the principle of equality on the divided island and thus prevent the promised upgrade of the status of the Turkish Cypriot community since 2004. Indeed, whether a positive or negative reading of the Union’s position towards the Cyprus problem is adopted, the case remains valid for an organisation based on the rule of law to maintain legitimacy, democracy, clarity and equality to the decisions of its institutions. Overall, the aim of this research is to establish a link between the lack of success of the Union to build a bridge over troubled waters and the right of self-determination of the Turkish Cypriot community. The only way left for the EU to help resolve the Cyprus problem is to aim to broker a deal between the two Cypriot communities which will permit the recognition of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) or at least the ‘Taiwanisation’ of Northern Cyprus. Albeit, there are many studies that address the impact of the EU on the conflict or the RoC, which represents the government that has monopolised EU accession, the argument advanced in this thesis is that despite the alleged Europeanisation of the Turkish Cypriot community, they are habitually disregarded because of the EU’s current legal framework and the Union’s lack of conflict transformation strategy vis-à-vis the island. Since the self-declared TRNC is not recognised and EU law is suspended in northern Cyprus in accordance with Protocol No 10 on Cyprus of the Act of Accession 2003, the Turkish-Cypriots represent an idiomatic partner of Brussels but the relations between the two resemble the experience of EU enlargement: the EU’s relevance to the community has been based on the prospects for EU accession (via reunification) and assistance towards preparation for potential EU integration through financial and technical aid. Undeniably, the pre-accession and postaccession strategy of Brussels in Cyprus has worsened the Cyprus problem and hindered the peace process. The time has come for the international community to formally acknowledge the existence of the TRNC.

A dinâmica do campo organizacional e a adoção de estratégias na carcinicultura do RN

This study aimed to understand the relations inside the organizational Structuring of the shrimp Field - the shrimp agribusiness placed in Rio Grande do Norte State and the strategies adopted by its players. In order to achieve that, semi-structured interviews were conducted with samples of various organizations that act in the field, like cooperatives, associations, enterprises of different links in the chain, universities and state agencies. The interviews built up a large collection of secondary data. As expected, it was found that Field and strategies are related in a recursive way: the configuration of the field, a result from his own biography, has decisively influenced the strategies adopted by its actors, who, as evolved, eventually caused further changes in the Field and outlines the plot of this area of interaction. It was found, for example, that after thirty-five years of its genesis, the Field of shrimp RN still has a low level of institutionalization, which helps to understand the difficulty of its actors in establish strategies based on partnerships and cooperation; Those actions are so necessary to alleviate the effects of the crisis that devastated the industry since 2004. It was noticed, however, that this level of institutionalization is a result, beside other factors, the very strategies that field actors are embracing along its trajectory. Thus, this study hopes to have contributed both to the necessary revival of the agency to institutional phenomenon, cited by Oliver (1991), and to meet the need for more contextualized approaches to organizational strategies (MINTZBERG, 1987; CLEGG, 2004; WHITTINGTON, 2004; 2006; SARAIVA and CARRIERI, 2007). It is an exploratory study that needs further investigation in order to get deep in this research. In this sense, others methodologies and theoretical perspectives need to be used, especially those relating to the seizure of the disputes and discursive aspects of power, as salient in the field investigated. Moreover, in terms of "practical actions", it is suggested that, as soon as possible, the main actors of the field (cooperatives, companies, and state entities in class) can be able of agglutinate efforts to support the shrimp field in RN State and make sustainable actions, which can promote the development of activity in a global view. On the apse of shrimp activities everybody wanted to be the "father of the child," Now, someone has to "stay in the goal."

Trabalho e família: um estudo da interação de papéis com secretários executivos

The balance between the demands of two important spheres of human life, work and family, has become a challenge due to the pressures of the contemporary that is expanding around the difficulties of reconciling these two comínios. In this sense, this research aimed to understand the work-family interaction in the perception of executive secretaries. The analysis approach used was qualitative research, by worrying about a reality that can not be quantified due to the subjectivity of his goal. The data collection technique used was the semistructured interview to twenty executive secretaries, servants of a Federal Institution of Higher Education. For the understanding and interpretation of the data, we used the technique of content analysis. The results of both analyzes identified the existence of conflict as enrichment in this interaction. The time was identified as the largest generator of conflict work. The overload, relationship stress and conflict emerged as elements common to both domains. As main implications of labor disputes, were revealed: problamas health for secretaries and stress. As main implications of family conflicts emerged: motivation for work, lower performance and lack of concentration. The attempt at balance was identified as the strategy most used by secretaries to minimize work-family conflict. The work-family enrichment was seen as resources that contribute to improving the lives of the secretary in both domains. The opportunity to add knowledge was highlighted as enriching element of work and family values ​​as elements enriching family. The support and experience emerged as enrichment items common to both domains. Regarding the implications of enrichment resulting from the interaction of work and family, the more perceived by respondents were: increased knowledge and skills, material and psychological benefits, improved quality of life and personal and professional fulfillment. From the perception of executive secretaries, work and family spheres of human life are essential and complementary, and that help is contrary, however, this relationship is the primary management of conflicts, ie, how the individual sees and manages the negative side of the work-family

Conflitos ambientais no Pontal da Barra - Pelotas/RS - desde uma perspectiva etnográfica na educação ambiental

Este trabalho tem como propósito explicitar a relação de injustiça ambiental e as controvérsias entre atores sociais com distintos modos de significação e apropriação territorial no contexto de um conflito ambiental na localidade do Pontal da Barra, praia do Laranjal, Pelotas - RS. Desde uma perspectiva etnográfica, objetiva-se incorporar a dimensão do conflito enquanto elemento central de análise. Para isso, partiu-se da proposta analítica de explicitação do conflito como forma de mapeamento dos diferentes atores sociais em interação, contemplando suas visões, posições, interesses, discursos e estratégias de disputa e legitimação no campo ambiental. Consiste em um conflito ambiental que insurgiu a partir da proposta de implantação de um loteamento residencial no contexto de urbanização do balneário do Laranjal durante a década de 1980, envolvendo os seguintes atores sociais: moradores removidos e os que permanecem no Pontal da Barra; membros da comunidade científica e movimento ambientalista local; empresário do ramo imobiliário e turístico no Pontal da Barra e a intervenção de instâncias públicas. Destaca-se a posição dos moradores, vistos em situação de marginalidade, que passaram a representar obstáculos e entraves, tanto para os interesses imobiliários e turísticos na localidade como para uma parcela significativa de ambientalistas que visam à preservação integral da área do Pontal da Barra. Em conjunto a essas iniciativas de grupos organizados sobressai a posição do Estado enquanto mediador desses conflitos e agente que procura executar estratégias de controle e planejamento do espaço, envolvendo as disputas territoriais e os discursos ambientais em questão. Perante esses órgãos do Estado e setores da iniciativa privada, a situação desses moradores caracteriza-se pela irregularidade fundiária, no qual seu espaço habitado não é reconhecido como deles. Dessa forma, este trabalho foi desenvolvido a partir da seguinte questão: tendo em vista os diferentes atores sociais envolvidos, como tem se configurado, desde a década de 1980, o conflito ambiental em torno da disputa territorial pelo Pontal da Barra, Pelotas/RS. Nessa perspectiva, busca-se desconstruir a retórica hegemônica e dominante que escamoteia as diferenças e naturaliza as desigualdades entre os atores sociais envolvidos procurando silenciar e despolitizar a participação pública no debate dos conflitos ambientais, para, através desse entendimento, corroborar com a discussão de uma Educação Ambiental crítica que tenha nos conflitos existentes a sua pauta de pesquisa e de ação.

Women, workplace militancy and political subjectivity in Britain, 1968-1985

This thesis examines the experiences and political subjectivity of women who engaged in workplace protest in Britain between 1968 and 1985. The study covers a period that has been identified with the ‘zenith’ of trade-union militancy in British labour history. The women’s liberation movement also emerged in this period, which produced a shift in public debates about gender roles and relations in the home and the workplace. Women’s trade union membership increased dramatically and trade unions increasingly committed themselves to supporting ‘women’s issues’. Industrial disputes involving working-class women have frequently been cited as evidence of women’s growing participation in the labour movement. However, the voices and experiences of female workers who engaged in workplace protest remain largely unexplored. This thesis addresses this space through an original analysis of the 1968 sewing-machinists’ strike at Ford, Dagenham; the 1976 equal pay strike at Trico, Brentford; the 1972 Sexton shoe factory occupation in Fakenham, Norfolk; the 1981 Lee Jeans factory occupation in Greenock, Inverclyde and the 1984-1985 sewing-machinists’ strike at Ford Dagenham. Drawing upon a combination of oral history and written sources, this study contributes a fresh understanding of the relationship between feminism, workplace activism and trade unionism during the years 1968-1985. In every dispute considered in this thesis, women’s behaviour was perceived by observers as novel, ‘historic’ or extraordinary. But the women did not think of themselves as extraordinary, and rather understood their behaviour as a legitimate and justified response to their everyday experiences of gender and class antagonism. The industrial disputes analysed in this thesis show that women’s workplace militancy was not simply a direct response to women’s heightened presence in trade unions. The women involved in these disputes were more likely to understand their experiences of workplace activism as an expression of the economic, social and subjective value of their work. Whilst they did not adopt a feminist identity or associate their action with the WLM, they spoke about themselves and their motivations in a manner that emphasised feminist values of equality, autonomy and self-worth.

Reconciling History and International Law: Territorial and Maritime Claims in the South China Sea and East China Sea

High-ranking Chinese military officials are often quoted in international media as stating that China cannot afford to lose even an inch of Chinese territory, as this territory has been passed down from Chinese ancestors. Such statements are not new in Chinese politics, but recently this narrative has made an important transition. While previously limited to disputes over land borders, such rhetoric is now routinely applied to disputes involving islands and maritime borders. China is increasingly oriented toward its maritime borders and seems unwilling to compromise on delimitation disputes, a transition mirrored by many states across the globe. In a similar vein, scholarship has found that territorial disputes are particularly intractable and volatile when compared with other types of disputes, and a large body of research has grappled with producing systematic knowledge of territorial conflict. Yet in this wide body of literature, an important question has remained largely unanswered - how do states determine which geographical areas will be included in their territorial and maritime claims? In other words, if nations are willing to fight and die for an inch of national territory, how do governments draw the boundaries of the nation? This dissertation uses in-depth case studies of some of the most prominent territorial and maritime disputes in East Asia to argue that domestic political processes play a dominant and previously under-explored role in both shaping claims and determining the nature of territorial and maritime disputes. China and Taiwan are particularly well suited for this type of investigation, as they are separate claimants in multiple disputes, yet they both draw upon the same historical record when establishing and justifying their claims. Leveraging fieldwork in Taiwan, China, and the US, this dissertation includes in-depth case studies of China’s and Taiwan’s respective claims in both the South China Sea and East China Sea disputes. Evidence from this dissertation indicates that officials in both China and Taiwan have struggled with how to reconcile history and international law when establishing their claims, and that this struggle has introduced ambiguity into China's and Taiwan's claims. Amid this process, domestic political dynamics have played a dominant role in shaping the options available and the potential for claims to change in the future. In Taiwan’s democratic system, where national identity is highly contested through party politics, opinions vary along a broad spectrum as to the proper borders of the nation, and there is considerable evidence that Taiwan’s claims may change in the near future. In contrast, within China’s single-party authoritarian political system, where nationalism is source of regime legitimacy, views on the proper interpretation of China’s boundaries do vary, but along a much more narrow range. In the dissertation’s final chapter, additional cases, such as South Korea’s position on Dokdo and Indonesia’s approach to the defense of Natuna are used as points of comparison to further clarify theoretical findings.

A regionalização como instrumento de governança pública em saúde no estado do Paraná: análise dos vazios assistenciais como subsídio à ação do estado

Everyone has a right to health and the State’s duty is to provide it. SUS (unified health system) main principles are universalization, integrality and equality which are based on the decentralization, regionalization and hierarchization directives and shows the importance of a territorial perspective for planning healthcare actions. Decentralization was the strategy chosen to implant SUS, since municipalities were in charge of providing and organizing the municipal healthcare services. Nevertheless regionalization, that’s to say service, institution and practice integration, was not performed satisfactorily, thus jeopardizing the health system decision making process and causing disputes between municipalities over financial resources instead of developing an interdependent and cooperative net. This way, it is important to analyze if health regionalization has a good potential for being used as public governance tool. The present study aims at giving answers to the following research problem: What are the contributions of regionalism to the State of Paraná public governance applied to health? Besides that, it also aims at assessing the State of Parana health regionalization to identify healthcare gaps and help the State actions through public governance principles applied to healthcare. Therefore, the study used a quantitative-qualitative, exploratory and descriptive research, plus secondary data concerning bibliographic and documental research. The present study analyzed the current hospital bed distribution by compared to the ideal distribution allowing the identification of healthcare gaps in the regional healthcare centers, besides considering medical specialties in the State of Paraná. The study conclusion is that health regionalization is an important tool for reducing healthcare gaps concerning hospital beds permitting the use of seven to ten public governance principles applied to healthcare, as established in the present study, and shows health regionalization is an important pubic governance tool.

Filmowe interpretacje polskiej transformacji gospodarczej. Kulturowe spory o obraz Polski

Wydział Nauk Społecznych: Instytut Kulturoznawstwa

É preciso ter coragem: um estudo das narrativas de mulheres na política

É na busca por compreender a inserção e participação de mulheres na política partidária na contemporaneidade que esta dissertação, situada na linha de pesquisa Culturas, Linguagens e Utopias, tem como objetivo analisar as narrativas de vereadoras de municípios que estão localizados na região sul do Rio Grande do Sul no período de 2009-2012. O corpus de análise constitui-se de entrevistas individuais semiestruturadas com as onze vereadoras participantes a partir da metodologia de investigação narrativa. Partindo das contribuições dos Estudos Culturais e de Gênero em suas vertentes pós-estruturalistas procurou-se problematizar alguns discursos e práticas que emergiram nas narrativas com base nas contribuições da análise do discurso de Michel Foucault. Assim, verificou-se que a representação cultural das mulheres neste campo político está fundamentada em concepções essencialistas do gênero feminino como a sensibilidade. Isso vem provocando discussões na ciência política e nos estudos de gênero a partir de termos como política de ideias, política de desvelo que discutem a presença das mulheres em decorrência ou não desses atributos. O fato é que esses discursos vêm instituindo diferenças na participação de homens e mulheres na política e constituindo formas de ser mulher na política partidária e de fazer política diferenciada das dos homens de forma menos “dura”, “rígida”. Ao debruçar-se na inserção das mulheres nessa esfera pública constatou-se uma trajetória marcada pelas noções de público e privado que impediu ao longo de nossa história a participação das mulheres no campo político e o desenvolvimento de sua cidadania. Além disso, nas narrativas das vereadoras fica evidente que as mulheres não foram constituídas para participarem do que hoje é um direito seu: a esfera pública de decisão da política. Isso foi constatado a partir do convite que foi feito para a candidatura pelos partidos que a partir das cotas partidárias procuraram mais significativamente por mulheres para concorrer. Também se observou neste estudo o capital político de ingresso das mulheres nessa esfera: o capital familiar, capital dos movimentos sociais e capital de ocupação em cargos públicos. Quanto a participação das mulheres no cotidiano de seus mandatos identificamos a dificuldade de ser mulher e política na atualidade. As negociações com os partidos e os colegas, a conciliação entre a família e a vida pública; os focos de atuação dedicados as áreas sociais e nesse destacamos mais significativamente a educação. Por fim, o que pretendemos foi desconfiar da máxima “lugar de mulher não é na política” e conhecer as trajetórias e histórias de mulheres que cotidianamente entre conflitos e disputas lutam pelo seu lugar na esfera pública, pelo exercício de sua cidadania.

Politics and protestant Lordship in North East Scotland during the reign of James VI: The life of George Keith, fourth Earl Marischal, 1554-1623

George Keith, fourth Earl Marischal is a case study of long-term, quietly successful and stable lordship through the reign of James VI. Marischal’s life provides a wholly underrepresented perspective on this era, where the study of rebellious and notorious characters has dominated. He is also a counter-example to the notion of a general crisis among the European nobility, at least in the Scottish context, as well as to the notion of a ‘conservative’ or ‘Catholic’ north east. In 1580 George inherited the richest earldom in Scotland, with a geographical extent stretching along the east coast from Caithness to East Lothian. His family came to be this wealthy as a long term consequence of the Battle of Flodden (1513) where a branch of the family, the Inverugie Keiths had been killed. The heiress of this branch was married to the third earl and this had concentrated a large number of lands, and consequently wealth, in the hands of the earls. This had, however, also significantly decreased the number of members and hence power of the Keith kindred. The third earl’s conversion to Protestantism in 1544 and later his adherence to the King’s Party during the Marian Civil War forced the Keiths into direct confrontation with their neighbours in the north east, the Gordons (led by the Earls of Huntly), a Catholic family and supporters of the Queen’s Party. Although this feud was settled for a time at the end of the war, the political turmoil caused by a succession of short-lived factional regimes in the early part of the personal reign of James VI (c.1578-1585) led the new (fourth) Earl Marischal into direct confrontation with the new (sixth) Earl of Huntly. Marischal was outclassed, outmanoeuvred and outgunned at both court and in the locality in this feud, suffering considerably. However, Huntly’s over-ambition in wider court politics meant that Marischal was able to join various coalitions against his rival, until Huntly was exiled in 1595. Marischal also came into conflict briefly with Chancellor John Maitland of Thirlestane as a consequence of Marischal’s diplomatic mission to Denmark in 1589-1590, but was again outmatched politically and briefly imprisoned. Both of these feuds reveal Marischal to be relatively cautious and reactionary, and both reveal the limitations of his power. Elsewhere, the study of Marischal’s activities in the centre of Scottish politics reveal him to be unambitious. He was ready to serve King James, the two men having a healthy working relationship, but Marischal showed no ambition as a courtier, to woo the king’s favour or patronage, instead delegating interaction with the monarch to his kinsmen. Likewise, in government, Marischal rarely attended any of the committees he was entitled to attend, such as the Privy Council, although he did keep a keen eye on the land market and the business conducted under the Great Seal. Although personally devout and a committed Protestant, the study of Marischal’s interaction with the national Kirk and the parishes of which he was patron reveal that he was at times a negligent patron and exercised his right of ministerial presentation as lordly, not godly patronage. The notion of a ‘conservative North East’ is, however, rejected. Where Marischal was politically weak at court and weak in terms of force in the locality, we see him pursuing sideways approaches to dealing with this. Thus he was keen to build up his general influence in the north and in particular with the burgh of Aberdeen (one result of this being the creation of Marischal College in 1593), pursued disputes through increasing use of legal methods rather than bloodfeud (thus exploiting his wealth and compensating for his relative lack of force) and developed a sophisticated system of maritime infrastructure, ultimately expressed through the creating of the burghs of Peterhead and Stonehaven. Although his close family caused him a number of problems over his lifetime, he was able to pass on a stable and enlarged lordship to his son in 1623.

Analiza terminów „stosunek społeczny” a „stosunek prawny”

Analysis of terms ‘social relationship’ and ‘legal relationship’ in the literature of legal theory and legal philosophy encounters many difficulties especially because of the ambiguity of such terms as ‘law’, ‘positive (statutory) law’, ‘rule’, ‘legal rule’, ‘norm’ and ‘legal norm’. Insight into the mentioned above literature points out that particularly the former pair of these notions have been so far wrongly considered as equivalent. It does not result a correct description of the relationship between different normative social systems such as statutory (positive) law, morality, religion and customs. Next it translates into a numbers of disputes about the content of positive law both in law-making’ and law-applying’s decisions.

Décentralisation et allocation des ressources : les détours de la municipalisation du système de santé brésilien

Dans cette thèse, nous avons analysé le déroulement d’un processus de municipalisation du système de santé, effectué au Rio Grande do Norte (RN), un des états fédérés du nord-est du Brésil. En tenant compte des contextes historiques d’implantation, nous avons centré notre attention sur la contribution des acteurs impliqués dans ce processus, spécialement dans l’allocation des ressources financières du système. Les croyances, perceptions, attentes, représentations, connaissances, intérêts, l’ensemble des facteurs qui contribuent à la constitution des capacités cognitives de ces acteurs, favorise la réflexivité sur leurs actions et la définition de stratégies diverses de façon à poursuivre leurs objectifs dans le système de santé. Ils sont vus ainsi comme des agents compétents et réflexifs, capables de s’approprier des propriétés structurelles du système de santé (règles et ressources), de façon à prendre position dans l’espace social de ce système pour favoriser le changement ou la permanence du statu quo. Au cours du processus de structuration du Système unique de santé brésilien, le SUS, la municipalisation a été l’axe le plus développé d’un projet de réforme de la santé. Face aux contraintes contextuelles et de la dynamique complexe des espaces sociaux de la santé, les acteurs réformistes n’ont pas pu suivre le chemin de l’utopie idéalisée; quelques détours ont été parcourus. Au RN, la municipalisation de la santé a constitué un processus très complexe où la triade centralisation/décentralisation/recentralisation a suivi son cours au milieu de négociations, de conflits, d’alliances, de disputes, de coopérations, de compétitions. Malgré les contraintes des contextes successifs, des propriétés structurelles du système et des dynamiques sociales dans le système de santé, quelques changements sont intervenus : la construction de leaderships collectifs; l’émergence d’une culture de négociation; la création des structures et des espaces sociaux du système, favorisant les rencontres des acteurs dans chaque municipalité et au niveau de l’état fédéré; un apprentissage collectif sur le processus de structuration du SUS; une grande croissance des services de première ligne permettant d’envisager une inversion de tendance du modèle de prestation des services; les premiers pas vers la rupture avec la culture bureaucratique du système. Le SUS reste prisonnier de quelques enjeux institutionnalisés dans ce système de santé : la dépendance du secteur privé et de quelques groupes de professionnels; le financement insuffisant et instable; la situation des ressources humaines. Les changements arrivés sont convergents, incrémentiels, lents; ils résultent d’actions normatives, délibérées, formalisées. Elles aussi sont issues de l’inattendu, de l’informel, du paradoxe; quelques-unes plus localisées, d’autres plus généralisées, pour une courte ou une plus longue durée.

A dinâmica do campo organizacional e a adoção de estratégias na carcinicultura do RN

This study aimed to understand the relations inside the organizational Structuring of the shrimp Field - the shrimp agribusiness placed in Rio Grande do Norte State and the strategies adopted by its players. In order to achieve that, semi-structured interviews were conducted with samples of various organizations that act in the field, like cooperatives, associations, enterprises of different links in the chain, universities and state agencies. The interviews built up a large collection of secondary data. As expected, it was found that Field and strategies are related in a recursive way: the configuration of the field, a result from his own biography, has decisively influenced the strategies adopted by its actors, who, as evolved, eventually caused further changes in the Field and outlines the plot of this area of interaction. It was found, for example, that after thirty-five years of its genesis, the Field of shrimp RN still has a low level of institutionalization, which helps to understand the difficulty of its actors in establish strategies based on partnerships and cooperation; Those actions are so necessary to alleviate the effects of the crisis that devastated the industry since 2004. It was noticed, however, that this level of institutionalization is a result, beside other factors, the very strategies that field actors are embracing along its trajectory. Thus, this study hopes to have contributed both to the necessary revival of the agency to institutional phenomenon, cited by Oliver (1991), and to meet the need for more contextualized approaches to organizational strategies (MINTZBERG, 1987; CLEGG, 2004; WHITTINGTON, 2004; 2006; SARAIVA and CARRIERI, 2007). It is an exploratory study that needs further investigation in order to get deep in this research. In this sense, others methodologies and theoretical perspectives need to be used, especially those relating to the seizure of the disputes and discursive aspects of power, as salient in the field investigated. Moreover, in terms of "practical actions", it is suggested that, as soon as possible, the main actors of the field (cooperatives, companies, and state entities in class) can be able of agglutinate efforts to support the shrimp field in RN State and make sustainable actions, which can promote the development of activity in a global view. On the apse of shrimp activities everybody wanted to be the "father of the child," Now, someone has to "stay in the goal."

Ciríaco de Cardoso e O burro do Sr. Alcaide : percursos de formação de um compositor de comédia musical no Portugal finissecular

O principal objetivo deste estudo foi compreender as etapas do percurso artístico do compositor portuense Ciríaco de Cardoso (1846 – 1900) e os discursos em torno de uma das suas obras mais célebres: O burro do Sr. Alcaide (1891). No primeiro capítulo procurou-se identificar e discutir os critérios que estiveram na base das opções profissionais tomadas por Ciríaco. O decurso da sua carreira leva a crer que possuía uma noção profunda das atividades que, no espaço lusófono, apresentavam maior potencial de aquisição quer de capital económico, quer de capital simbólico. É por isso que, mobilizando recursos das suas redes de sociabilidade, circula por instituições no Porto e em Lisboa mas, também, pelo lucrativo mercado teatral do Rio de Janeiro, assim como em Paris. Concentra-se no popular teatro musical – principal fonte de sustento – em paralelo com a atividade concertística e operática – forma de distinção atendendo à competitividade no mercado musico-teatral. Percebe também que a maximização do seu poder simbólico depende da legitimação alcançada pela sua associação às elites socioculturais locais, pelo que fomenta o estabelecimento de sociabilidades que se estendem inclusive às casas reais portuguesa e brasileira. Paradoxalmente, as edes mais próximas de Ciríaco estavam vinculadas a um idealismo republicano, relacionamento que exponencial proliferação de discursos dessa índole pelos media lusófonos (sobretudo a partir do tricentenário camoniano de 1880) e, por outro, pela aparente inexistência de registos que associem inequivocamente o artista ao ativismo republicano. Não obstante, é provável que Ciríaco de Cardoso tenha explorado o filão antimonárquico na programação da temporada de 1891 do Teatro da Avenida. O segundo capítulo explora a produção de O burro do Sr. Alcaide, através da análise da sua estrutura e das relações da obra com a realidade portuguesa da última década do século XIX. Embora respeite o modelo da opereta francesa, apresenta também características que poderão levar a que seja interpretada como transmissora de uma portugalidade idealizada, em linha com o nacionalismo português do último quartel do século. A ação decorre em Lisboa, cenário de interação entre personagens-tipo e caricaturas de personalidades concretas da elite sociopolítica portuguesa. Através de referências ao sebastianismo, satiriza-se o comportamento dessas elites, assim como as instituições da monarquia constitucional e a prevalência de uma visão messiânica dos governantes por parte da sociedade em geral. Faz-se a apologia da ruralidade através de tópicos musicais e de quadros onde se constrói uma imagem da música tradicional, correspondendo a uma idealização da nação – notada e enfatizada na receção pela crítica. Utiliza também outros tópicos pertencentes à paisagem sonora do público burguês, completando a expressão da urbanidade de um país onde essas duas realidades não eram ainda completamente dissociáveis. Contudo, ao não propor alterações efetivas à hierarquia da sociedade portuguesa finissecular, o desfecho da obra leva a concluir que esta terá consistido numa forma de propaganda o que, por um lado, explica o seu mediatismo e, por outro, vincula os seus autores – mais ou menos conscientes disso – às lutas políticas em curso aquando do ano da sua estreia.

Réception de l’Histoire des colonies grecques dans la littérature coloniale des XVIIe-XVIIIe siècles

L’objectif de ce travail était d’apporter une réflexion sur les influences du colonialisme européen aux XVII-XVIIIe siècles. Ayant déjà rédigé mon mémoire de fin de maîtrise sur la Corinthe archaïque et ses colonies, j’ai souhaité approfondir la question, en choisissant de situer la problématique dans un contexte historiographique plus large, dans le temps comme dans l’espace. Plusieurs auteurs se sont intéressés aux réceptions de l’Antiquité à des périodes spécifiques (Grell et Alexandre le Grand en France, Richard et les influences antiques de la Révolution américaine,…). Cependant, aucune analyse sur le long terme n’avait encore été fournie, pas davantage qu’une réflexion de fonds sur la place de l’Antiquité dans la manière de penser les colonies en Europe moderne. Cet état de fait, de même que la relative rareté des sources modernes traitant des colonies grecques, m’ont obligé à élargir au maximum le champ de recherche, en y incluant des auteurs qui, s’ils ne se préoccupèrent pas de colonisation, recoururent néanmoins au précédent grec pour illustrer des problématiques de leur temps. Toutefois, il est possible de constater à quel point les répertoires historiographiques concernant la Grèce antique et ses colonisations se sont développés dans le courant de ces deux siècles qui virent l’apogée et la chute des premiers empires coloniaux européens en Amérique du nord. Si la comparaison à l’Histoire grecque ne relevait souvent que du Topos et de la propagande (comme dans le cas de la comparaison du Grand Condé ou de Louis XIV à Alexandre le Grand), son utilisation dans le cadre de controverses à plus large échelle outrepassait aussi le seul lieu commun pour s’inscrire dans un discours rhétorique plus approfondi. Le choix de la colonisation grecque comme modèle de comparaison s’imposait d’autant plus logiquement que les divers auteurs, depuis les premiers colons jusqu’aux pères fondateurs américains, insistaient sur les mérites économiques des colonies européennes. D’autres régimes, comme l’empire espagnol au XVIe siècle ou l’empire britannique au XIXe siècle, ont davantage recouru à une terminologie d’inspiration romaine. En effet, leur politique se fondait plus sur l’idée d’une extension impérialiste de l’État que sur une vision commerciale du colonialisme. L’article de Krishan Kumar demeure l’un des plus importants sur la question. La réception de l’Histoire des colonies grecques aux Temps modernes fut avant tout le fruit d’une tentative de définition du colonialisme comme phénomène global, et d’une volonté de situer les nations européennes dans un contexte remontant aux origines de l’Occident. À l’heure où l’Europe amorçait sa domination sur la totalité de la planète, et où la course à la colonisation s’accélérait, la majorité des auteurs s’abritaient derrière l’image de thalassocraties antiques qui, si elles ne dénotaient pas un pouvoir politique centralisé, n’en contribuèrent pas moins à imposer la culture fondatrice de la pensée occidentale à tout le bassin méditerranéen. Quant aux guerres qui poussèrent les puissances antiques les unes contre les autres, elles ne faisaient qu’augurer des conflits à large échelle que furent les guerres franco-britanniques du XVIIIe siècle.