A política da política monetária no Brasil, 1930-1993

Este relatório explora fontes primárias e análises secundárias na economia, na ciência política, e na sociologia para uma análise política da gestão monetária e financeira brasileira de 1930-1993. Fontes secundárias da economia financeira, da ciência política e da historiografia permitem distinguir quatro períodos diferentes em termos da relação entre o processo político e a gestão macroeconômica e financeira.

São José do Rio Pardo e sua revolta republicana

A tese analisa a revolta republicana que ocorreu em São José do Rio Pardo em agosto de 1889. Para isso, estudamos a formação econômica e política da localidade. No aspecto econômico, identificamos a cidade com a região de produção cafeeira e, no político, os grupos que comandavam São José do rio Pardo. Analisamos a sociedade riopardense e os grupos que a compunham para compreender as relações entre eles e o desenvolver da revolta. Discutimos as fontes e as várias versões da revolta, bem como sua repercussão em São Paulo.

A Escola Superior de Administração e Negócios nos primeiros vinte anos (1941-1961): uma análise sobre o currículo em administração

Este trabalho disserta sobre o currículo da Escola Superior de Administração e Negócios (ESAN) desde a sua criação em 1941 pelo jesuíta Roberto Sabóia de Medeiros até o seu reconhecimento oficial como instituição de ensino superior pelo governo em 1961. Ao contextualizá-la perante o contexto político e econômico da sociedade paulista da época, a estruturação de disciplinas na escola foi também analisada de acordo com as principais características do ensino em administração no Brasil, conforme recentes trabalhos sobre o assunto. Esta pesquisa aponta que apesar da escola do Pe. Sabóia ser anterior à instituição das principais referências de ensino administrativo no país e no exterior, a ESAN estabeleceu em suas características a importação de saberes administrativos americanos e a racionalização como condição para a modernidade do país no fim do Estado Novo e, consequentemente, no fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial e início da Guerra Fria. Para tanto, foi utilizado como método de pesquisa a narrativa histórica, cujos princípios e delineamentos eram até então exclusivos ao campo da História e, por este motivo, contribuem para a perspectiva histórica em Estudos Organizacionais. Desta maneira, a narrativa analisa as atividades curriculares da ESAN à luz dos contextos social e da história da administração alusivos ao período estudado ao reiterar-se que o currículo de uma instituição de ensino é uma construção histórica, permeado por um discurso de poder e influenciado, direta e indiretamente, pelo contexto que o envolve. Por fim, este trabalho não teve como fim limitar uma análise sobre o currículo em administração no Brasil, mas sobretudo fomentar estudos sobre os primórdios do ensino na área do país, os quais mantém atualmente uma dedicação crescente.

Empreendedorismo político no Congresso Nacional brasileiro: a participação da Secretaria de Direitos Humanos na tramitação da PEC do trabalho escravo

Este é um estudo da atuação da Secretaria de Direitos Humanos da Presidência da República na tramitação da Proposta de Emenda Constitucional (PEC) conhecida como PEC do Trabalho Escravo, que tramitou por 15 anos no Congresso Nacional e foi promulgada em junho de 2014, dando origem à Emenda Constitucional 81/14. Espera-se, com isso, contribuir para a discussão sobre o papel de empreendedores políticos no processo de formulação de políticas públicas do Brasil. O longo processo de tramitação da matéria e as divergências entre importantes setores do Congresso e da sociedade constituem um ponto de partida para a investigação do processo de formulação de consensos que fazem avançar uma proposição legislativa, e permitem identificar os empreendedores políticos (KINGDON, 2011) que protagonizaram a esses entendimentos. A partir de entrevistas e análise de dados primários e secundários, foi possível identificar grupos organizados em maior ou menor grau para o exercício de pressão sobre o trâmite legislativo, que constituem o que Sabatier e Jenkins-Smith definem como coalizões de advocacy, ou seja, grupos que se organizam em torno de um sistema de crenças e valores em comum para influenciar o processo de formulação de políticas públicas (SABATIER, 1988). Propõe-se analisar atores (ONGs, mídia, órgãos internacionais) e compreender seus mecanismos de atuação e como foi possível articular todos esses interesses, expandindo, dessa forma, o entendimento acadêmico sobre a produção de políticas públicas, compreendendo o impacto que a mobilização desses atores “alternativos” teve sobre a formulação da proposta de lei em questão. Pudemos verificar na atuação da SDH/PR os fundamentos conceituais de aprendizado político (policy learning) e sua atuação como empreendedor político, decisiva para a aprovação da PEC do Trabalho Escravo. Indo além, a SDH/PR foi importante naquilo que denominamos “criação de momentos de decisão”, um avanço crucial para romper o ciclo de protelações que marcaram a história da tramitação da PEC. O empreendedorismo político da SDH/PR foi além das prerrogativas definidas pelo próprio multiple streams framework: um empreendedorismo político à brasileira.

The impact of mayor leadership on education: evidence from Brazil

What are the impacts of female mayors on education? It is well known that in Brazil, like in many other countries around the globe, women are underrepresented in political posts. Understanding the impacts of this discrepancy on policy choice and redistribution across many areas of inquiry is, therefore, an important research endeavor. Extant literature shows a strong link between women and the economic development of the areas they govern, specifically that they provide public goods relevant to the needs of women constituents. However, despite the efforts to explore the impacts of gender political leaders, we still do not know what is the consequence of gender on policy outcomes. Exploring a rich dataset on Brazilian municipalities, I intend to enrich the literature on the role of female politicians on politics. I employ a regression discontinuity design using Brazilian elections and indicators on education based on the basic education development index (IDEB), education expenditures and local policies. I find that municipalities where a woman enters into power do not perform better on education and do not present more investments or policies to improve education.

The BRICS: some historical experiences, growth challenges and opportunities

The acronym BRICS was a fad among the media and global investors. Now, the acronym sounds passé. However, the group of countries remains important, from both political and economic reasons. They have a large aggregate size, 28% of the global GDP and 42% of the world’s population, high growth potential due to the current significant misallocation of resources and relatively low stock of human capital, structural transformation is in progress and one of them, China, is taking steps to become a global power and a challenger to the US dominance. This paper provides a brief overview of the five economies, Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. We focus on some aspects of their history, the Chinese initiatives in international finance and geopolitical strategic moves, their growth experience and structural transformation over the last 35 years, trade and investment integration into the global economy and among themselves, the growth challenges faced by their economies and the potential gains to the Brazilian economy from a stronger integration with the other BRICS. In association with its efforts to be a global power, China aims to become a major player in global finance and to achieve the status of global currency for the renminbi, which would be the first currency of an emerging economy to attain such position. Despite the similarities, the BRICS encompass very diverse economies. In the recent decades, China and India showed stellar growth rates. On the other hand, Brazil, Russia and South Africa have expanded just in line with global output growth with the Russian economy exhibiting high volatility. China is by far the largest economy, and South Africa the smallest, the only BRICS economy with a GDP lower than US$ 1 trillion. Russia abandoned communism almost 25 years ago, but reversed many of the privatizations of 90’s. China is still ruled by communism, but has a vibrant private sector and recently has officially declared market forces to play a dominant role in its economy. Brazil, Russia and South Africa are global natural resources powerhouses and commodity exporters while China and India are large commodity importers. Brazil is relatively closed to international trade of goods and services, in marked contrast to the other four economies. Brazil, India and South Africa are dependent on external capital flows whereas China and Russia are capital exporters. India and South Africa have younger populations and a large portion living below the poverty line. Despite its extraordinary growth experience that lifted many millions from poverty, China still has 28% of its population classified as poor. Russia and China have much older populations and one of their challenges is to deal with the effects of a declining labor force in the near future. India, China and South Africa face a long way to urbanization, while Brazil and Russia are already urbanized countries. China is an industrial economy but its primary sector still absorbs a large pool of workers. India is not, but the primary sector employs also a large share of the labor force. China’s aggregate demand structure is biased towards investment that has been driving its expansion. Brazil and South Africa have an aggregate demand structure similar to the developed economies, with private consumption accounting for approximately 70%. The same similarity applies to the supply side, as in both economies the share of services nears 70%. The development problem is a productivity problem, so microeconomic reforms are badly needed to foster long-term growth of the BRICS economies since they have lost steam due a variety of factors, but fundamentally due to slower total factor productivity growth. China and India are implementing ambitious reform programs, while Brazil is dealing with macroeconomic disequilibria. Russia and South Africa remain mute about structural reforms. There are some potential benefits to Brazil to be extracted from a greater economic integration with the BRICS, particularly in natural resources intensive industries and services. Necessary conditions to the materialization of those gains are the removal of the several sources of resource misallocation and strong investment in human capital.

Winning in Brazil: how institutional voids affect the entry decision making process of foreign venture capital firms coming to Brazil

The master thesis for the achievement of the academic status master of science in international management (MPGI) will aim to solve the research question of how institutional voids affect the entry decision-making process of foreign venture capital firms coming to Brazil. This is a timely matter since in the past years there has been a sudden eruption of foreign VC involvement in Brazil. Based on the actionable framework by Khanna and Palpeu (2010) we conducted quantitative as well as qualitative research with two sets of interview partners in a two-phase analysis. We interviewed experts from VC firms, foreign VC firms based in Brazil and perspective VC firms that are looking to come to Brazil. We started with the former, derived lessons learned and analyzed how they affect the latter in reaching a decision. As we expected we found that depending on the industry that ventures are in, institutional voids can either pose an opportunity or a threat and hence attract or push away potential VC firms entering Brazil. Opportunities exist especially when exploiting institutional voids, for example through ventures in the marketplace efficiency. Threats are posed by investments in for instance hard infrastructure, where the economic, political and judicial systems as well as corruption and bureaucracy play demanding roles.

International civil society actors in Genetically Modificied Organisms as a field of struggle: a neo-gramscian study in Brazil and the United Kingdom

Since the international financial and food crisis that started in 2008, strong emphasis has been made on the importance of Genetically Modified Organisms (GMOs) (or “transgenics”) under the claim that they could contribute to increase food productivity at a global level, as the world population is predicted to reach 9.1 billion in the year 2050 and food demand is predicted to increase by as much as 50% by 2030. GMOs are now at the forefront of the debates and struggles of different actors. Within civil society actors, it is possible to observe multiple, and sometime, conflicting roles. The role of international social movements and international NGOs in the GMO field of struggle is increasingly relevant. However, while many of these international civil society actors oppose this type of technological developments (alleging, for instance, environmental, health and even social harms), others have been reportedly cooperating with multinational corporations, retailers, and the biotechnology industry to promote GMOs. In this thesis research, I focus on analysing the role of “international civil society” in the GMO field of struggle by asking: “what are the organizing strategies of international civil society actors, such as NGOs and social movements, in GMO governance as a field of struggle?” To do so, I adopt a neo-Gramscian discourse approach based on the studies of Laclau and Mouffe. This theoretical approach affirms that in a particular hegemonic regime there are contingent alliances and forces that overpass the spheres of the state and the economy, while civil society actors can be seen as a “glue” to the way hegemony functions. Civil society is then the site where hegemony is consented, reproduced, sustained, channelled, but also where counter-hegemonic and emancipatory forces can emerge. Considering the importance of civil society actors in the construction of hegemony, I also discuss some important theories around them. The research combines, on the one hand, 36 in-depth interviews with a range of key civil society actors and scientists representing the GMO field of struggle in Brazil (19) and the UK (17), and, on the other hand, direct observations of two events: Rio+20 in Rio de Janeiro in 2012, and the first March Against Monsanto in London in 2013. A brief overview of the GMO field of struggle, from its beginning and especially focusing in the 1990s when the process of hegemonic formation became clearer, serves as the basis to map who are the main actors in this field, how resource mobilization works, how political opportunities (“historical contingencies”) are discovered and exploited, which are the main discourses (“science” and “sustainability” - articulated by “biodiversity preservation”, “food security” and “ecological agriculture”) articulated among the actors to construct a collective identity in order to attract new potential allies around “GMOs” (“nodal point”), and which are the institutions and international regulations within these processes that enable hegemony to emerge in meaningful and durable hegemonic links. This mapping indicates that that the main strategies applied by the international civil society actors are influenced by two central historical contingencies in the GMO field of struggle: 1) First Multi-stakeholder Historical Contingency; and 2) “Supposed” Hegemony Stability. These two types of historical contingency in the GMO field of struggle encompass deeper hegemonic articulations and, because of that, they induce international civil society actors to rethink the way they articulate and position themselves within the field. Therefore, depending on one of those moments, they will apply one specific strategy of discourse articulation, such as: introducing a new discourse in hegemony articulation to capture the attention of the public and of institutions; endorsing new plural demands; increasing collective visibility; facilitating material articulations; sharing a common enemy identity; or spreading new ideological elements among the actors in the field of struggle.

Betting on winner: the effect of local elections on corporate political activity outcomes

How can managers successfully access political rents by way of corporate political strategies (CPA)? Existing research has suggested several endogenous factors that correlate with CPA outcomes. I offer a more robust solution to this problem. Drawing on insights from the perspective of CPA as exchanges between firms and political decision-makers, and from the special interest politics of political economy, I develop and test a causal mechanism that links local elections, legislative bargaining and access to political rents at the national level. I conducted a natural experiment using regression discontinuity design and propensity score matching in municipal elections in Brazil to show that firms enjoy superior access to subsidized financing from the state-owned national development bank (BNDES) when they decide to invest in municipalities whose winning mayoral candidate is coalition-aligned with the national ruler. This effect fades away fades away as the level of competition in the local election decreases. The evidence implies that when managers bet on national coalition-aligned winners in close local elections, they positively affect CPA outcomes. I extend the exchange-based typology of corporate political strategies by offering a novel possibility of targeting voters with financial inducements, which I call a private local development strategy. Finally, these results show that firms exchange their project-execution capabilities for superior access to subsidized financing.

Gestão pública de megaeventos esportivos no Brasil: a experiência paulistana na realização da Copa do Mundo FIFA

Esta pesquisa se propôs a investigar a gestão pública da 20ª edição da Copa do Mundo FIFA, realizada no Brasil em 2014. Contestada popularmente por milhares de brasileiros, o megaevento esportivo teve suas contradições, principalmente em relação aos altos gastos públicos e à lucrativa participação da Federação Internacional de Futebol (FIFA). Durante os seus preparativos e realização, aconteceu um dos mais duradouros ciclos de protestos da história recente do Brasil, o que destaca a insatisfação de muitos brasileiros em relação aos investimentos dos governos federal, estaduais e municipais para a sua realização. Com recorte mais aprofundado para a gestão do megaevento na cidade de São Paulo, o trabalho procurou compreender os acordos entre as partes e analisar a relação entre as instituições – a FIFA e os Governos – na operacionalização e decisões sobre o megaevento. Além disso, destaca as interfaces estabelecidas entre governos e a sociedade civil, em sua diversidade identificada empiricamente, e aprofunda nas inflexões das reivindicações populares e protestos na gestão do megaevento pela prefeitura paulistana. O estudo é um estudo de caso único e, portanto, foi realizado com métodos qualitativos de pesquisa. Foram utilizadas fontes múltiplas de coleta que possibilitaram a triangulação dos dados obtidos e o aumento da validade dos resultados. Foram feitas observações diretas durante os protestos e na região de impacto dos empreendimentos da Copa, coleta em documentos oficiais, legislações, atas, contratos e matérias jornalísticas e entrevistas com atores-chave dos governos federal e municipal, com ativistas e manifestantes, líderes comunitários e representantes de organizações da sociedade civil. A pesquisa apontou que os megaeventos esportivos são um importante tema de pesquisa pelo mundo e têm se revelado como uma relevante preocupação em países em desenvolvimento, além de terem se tornado um importante instrumento político para a promoção da imagem dos países-sede no exterior e para a projeção de partidos nos territórios nacionais. Seus resultados destacam a formação de campos antagônicos entre governos e sociedade civil e a formação de arenas de conflito também entre os atores sociais. Embora haja visto alguns esforços pela transparência da gestão, não se pode dizer que a Copa do Mundo no Brasil teve nível ideal de transparência, tampouco de participação social. Se por um lado houve esforços para se aprimorar a transparência, por outro, os canais de participação social instituídos não expressaram relevância para a gestão pública do megaevento. As interfaces entre governos e a sociedade civil foram identificadas, assim como seus efeitos e inflexões sobre a gestão do mundial. A principal interface destacada se deu no nível da rua e se afirmou na forma do enfrentamento entre manifestantes e a polícia. A segunda mais evidente se consolidou na negociação direta entre comunitários vulneráveis às obras da Copa e gestores municipais. Os efeitos dos protestos de rua sobre a ação dos governos se destacou na atividade policial, que usou a violência e a repressão como principais respostas ao conjunto de manifestações, e na criação de espaços de negociação direta com as comunidades, este influenciado mais diretamente pela formação de grupos de reivindicação, como o Comitê Popular da Copa, e pela resistência da própria comunidade. A gestão da Copa do Mundo no Brasil foi complexa e evidenciou, do ponto de vista das relações federativas, alguns problemas entre município, estado e União, que tratam da coordenação de programas, políticas ou ações, neste caso, um megaevento esportivo, de gestão compartilhada. O caso aponta dissonâncias e desalinhamentos entre governo federal, estadual e municipal sobre as práticas de diálogo, negociação, transparência e participação social. A pesquisa destaca a formação de um conjunto social mais atento, crítico e politizado, que reivindica, contesta e ocupa as ruas demonstrando sua insatisfação com governos, sistemas políticos e formas de representação. Aponta para resultados mais tangíveis e relações mais harmônicas entre governos e população quando são implementadas formas alternativas de participação e envolvimento social, sobretudo espaços e processos em que há lugar para a negociação e inserção da sociedade civil nos processos decisórios

The revenge of the market on the rentiers why neo-liberal reports of the end of history turned out to be premature

Starting from the perspective of heterodox Keynesian-Minskyian-Kindlebergian financial economics, this paper begins by highlighting a number of mechanisms that contributed to the current financial crisis. These include excess liquidity, income polarisation, conflicts between financial and productive capital, lack of intelligent regulation, asymmetric information, principal-agent dilemmas and bounded rationalities. However, the paper then proceeds to argue that perhaps more than ever the ‘macroeconomics’ that led to this crisis only makes analytical sense if examined within the framework of the political settlements and distributional outcomes in which it had operated. Taking the perspective of critical social theories the paper concludes that, ultimately, the current financial crisis is the outcome of something much more systemic, namely an attempt to use neo-liberalism (or, in US terms, neo-conservatism) as a new technology of power to help transform capitalism into a rentiers’ delight. And in particular, into a system without much ‘compulsion’ on big business; i.e., one that imposes only minimal pressures on big agents to engage in competitive struggles in the real economy (while inflicting exactly the opposite fate on workers and small firms). A key component in the effectiveness of this new technology of power was its ability to transform the state into a major facilitator of the ever-increasing rent-seeking practices of oligopolistic capital. The architects of this experiment include some capitalist groups (in particular rentiers from the financial sector as well as capitalists from the ‘mature’ and most polluting industries of the preceding techno-economic paradigm), some political groups, as well as intellectual networks with their allies – including most economists and the ‘new’ left. Although rentiers did succeed in their attempt to get rid of practically all fetters on their greed, in the end the crisis materialised when ‘markets’ took their inevitable revenge on the rentiers by calling their (blatant) bluff.

Paradigms that guide the models of attention to the health in Brazil: an analytic essay

SILVA, Flávio César Bezerra da ; COSTA, Francisca Marta de Lima; ANDRADE, Hamilton Leandro Pinto de; FREIRE, Lúcia de Fátima; MACIEL, Patrícia Suerda de Oliveira; ENDERS, Bertha Cruz ; MENEZES, Rejane Maria Paiva de. Paradigms that guide the models of attention to the health in Brazil: an analytic essay. Revista de Enfermagem UFPE On Line., Recife, v.3,n.4, p.460-65. out/dez. 2009. Disponível em < http://www.ufpe.br/revistaenfermagem/index.php/revista/search/results >.

Nego veio é um sofrer : uma etnografia da subalternidade e do subalterno numa irmandade do Rosário

The object of this work is a fellowship of São Sebastião e Nossa Senhora do Rosário in the city of Jardim do Seridó (RN), that is, a black catholic fellowship on the sertão potiguar. The devotion to Nossa Senhora do Rosário, in colonial Brazil, organizes itself through black catholic men as fellowships. They blossomed in Brazil until the abolition, getting support from the Catholic church, from owners of slaves and from the population in general − unlike others afro-Brazilian religious expression. Today, these fellowships remain active, against the sentimental pessimism of the folklore studies, and they also have a highlight position in the calendar of many cities in Brazil, and in particular in Seridó. The research s foothold is the apparent valorization of the fellowship by the local elite, attitude that hides asymmetric relationships between the group of negros do Rosário and the local authorities, having as its consequence that the members occupy a subaltern position inside their own fellowship. This subalternity take place, mainly, in the public area, where the negros do Rosário cannot represent themselves neither political nor discursively. To discuss this idea, it s done a brief historical of these catholic institutions as well as a description of the relationship between the negros do Rosário and the elites of the city. Then, the phenomenon is analyzed as folklore and/or religion , under the perspective of many agents that participate in this process. In other moment, it is going to be presented how the group formulates their own representation of the history, of the devotional forms and of their own political-religious experiences. In this sense, an ethnography of the subalternity is understood as an analysis of the process that leads the negros do Rosário to become a subaltern group. It s also outlined the perception that the group has of its own position, through an ethnography essay of the subaltern subject. The research, focused in the group of Rosário, was done between August 2010 and January 2012 and includes other agents (like treasurers, priests and intellectuals). Besides that, as a methodological complement, there are documental research, photography, as well as shoots of the party days and public presentation

A cultura de índio, seu menino, vem de longe aqui : formação histórica e territorialização dos Tremembé/CE

This dissertation is based on the ethnography of a strategic selection of three Tremembé ethnic situations, which are situated in the backlands of Acaraú and Itarema, municipalities located in Ceará State (Northeast Brazil). My main aims are the following. Firstly, I reconstitute the historical and social formation of three localities, called Lagoa dos Negros, Telhas, and Queimadas, related to a particular origin myth which refers to Almofala, an extinct colonial Aldeamento in the seashore, where the Tremembé indians and other native populations were converted and gathered under missionary administration. According to the origin myth, these three localities were set up after a strong drought which happened in 1888 (the so called three eights) when a group of Tremembé families moved to the countryside and established close to the Lagoa dos Negros and, later on, they were segmented into smaller groups which started to live in other areas and places not far from the former location. Notably, I develop an anthropological approach to understand the historical formation of these three localities. Secondly, I analyze some processes of territorialization, which were emerged from the 1980s and had important consequences to these indigenous families throughout the next two decades. This historical dimension is re-appropriated and ressignified in ethnic terms. A third point of my work is the analysis of the construction of territorialities and also the cultural and symbolic dimensions which are formulated by the Tremembé Indians who live in these localities. Therefore, I investigate some cultural traditions and rituals, such as the Torém dance, but I also examine their multiple semantics, which constitute a transversal direction throughout the history understood by the Tremembé of the different social situations I researched. To sum up, there is a process of cultural actualization, which is still going on and presents itself through the ludic sphere as well as their political and religions dimensions, which are usually associated to the ritual presentation of the Torém

Ribeira, técnica versus natureza: transformações em prol de um projeto de modernização (1860-1932)

The necessity of the insertion of the capital of Rio Grande do Norte in the world-wide commercial scene and its claim as the seat of political power, in ends of nineteenth and beginning of twentieth century, determined the direction of urban interventions undertaken by government to restructure the city. In that matter, there were several actions of improvements and embellishment in Natal, which had, as a starting point, the adequacy works of the port, located in the Ribeira quarter, with the aim of ending the physical isolation that reinforced its economic stagnation. Besides the problems faced in the opening bar of the Potengi River, and would complement the required improvements, other barriers demonstrate the tension established between the physic-geographic field and the man: the flooded and slope which connected Cidade Alta and Ribeira the first two quarters of the city.The execution of these works demanded knowledge whose domain and application it was for engineering. But, how the actions done for the engineers, in sense to transform natural areas into constructed spaces made possible the intentional conformation of the quarter of the Ribeira in a commercial and politician-administrative center, in the middle of the XIX century and beginning of the XX? Understand, therefore, the employment effects of technology on the physical-geographical Ribeira, is the objective of this work that uses theoretical and methodological procedures of Urban Environmental History, by analyzing the relationship between the environment and the man, mediated by knowledge and use of technologies. The documental research was used, as primary sources, the Messages of the Provincial Assembly Government that later became the Legislative Assembly of Rio Grande do Norte reports and articles on specialized publications, in addition to local newspapers. The work is structured in five chapters. First, some comments about Urban Environmental History (Chapter 1) supplemented with analysis of the conceptual construction of nature in the Contemporary Era and its application in the city (chapter 02), the following chapters (03 and 04) deal with the rise of engineers as a active group in the Brazilian government frameworks and their vision about the nature inside the urban environment and it is studied how the professional technicians dealt with the improvement work of the harbor and in the shock with the natural forces. Other works that would complement this "project" of modernization and had had natural obstacles to be removed the Ribeira flood and slope constitute the subject of the fifth chapter. Finally, some final considerations retake the initial discussions aiming an association between the technique and the nature as junction elements inside the process of constitution of a Modern Natal