Marriage and freedom : Isabel archer's choice in the portrait of a lady [recurso electr?nico]

Resumen: Henry James (1880-81) narrates the story of a fictional American lady called Isabel Archer who decides to move to England to live with her aunt and later inherits a great fortune. The novel?s story is set during the late nineteenth century, which is an epoch that has a broad historical context with transitions and revolutions in different academic fields. This analysis treats the issues developed in the book that explore, on the one hand the possibility of a woman to be free in a nineteenth century Victorian society that demands adherence to traditional beliefs in order to belong to the high, intellectual and respectful elite. On the other hand, the book presents the possibility of marriage in which women have autonomy over their decisions and lives in general.

Las vanguardias artísticas del siglo XX y su contribución teórica en la definición exhibicionista de la naturaleza del cine

A pesar de que las vanguardias artísticas de principios de siglo constituyen un grupo de movimientos heterogéneo coinciden en un ideal común: la ruptura del estatus del arte en la sociedad burguesa. El desplazamiento del sujeto del centro del proceso creador y la aparición de un nuevo sistema de representación basado en la perspectiva múltiple harán que el cine se sitúe en el punto de mira de distintas propuestas rupturistas como el cubismo, el futurismo o el dadaísmo. El objetivo del presente texto es destacar las aportaciones de los movimientos de vanguardia emergentes durante las primeras décadas del siglo XX en la fragua de conceptos teóricos capaces de dotar al cine de un estatus discursivo basado en la forma y la construcción al que denominaremos exhibicionista, que se opone al de su consideración como cine clásico supeditado a suceder a la literatura decimonónica en su misión narrativa

La gubernamentalidad en lugares turísticos. Los casos de Christiania, Dinamarca, y San Cristóbal de las Casas, México

El artículo analiza el conflicto que se produce entre una comunidad y el Estado por el uso de un lugar. Específicamente dos espacios sociales que presenciaron dos protestas sociales significativas o Revoluciones culturales; la ocupación de una instalación militar y el surgimiento del Ejercito Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN). Estudiaremos los casos de Christiania en la ciudad de Copenhague, Dinamarca y San Cristóbal de las Casas en el estado de Chiapas, México. Para el análisis utilizaremos la gubernamentalidad de Mitchell Dean basada en los escritos de Foucault. Este marco teórico nos permitirá conocer los procesos mediante los cuales un Estado y distintos grupos sociales negocian la conformación de lo público, imágenes y significados de actividades, recursos, leyes relacionados a la actividad turística.

Incomplete information games of conflict and collective action

My thesis consists of three essays that investigate strategic interactions between individuals engaging in risky collective action in uncertain environments. The first essay analyzes a broad class of incomplete information coordination games with a wide range of applications in economics and politics. The second essay draws from the general model developed in the first essay to study decisions by individuals of whether to engage in protest/revolution/coup/strike. The final essay explicitly integrates state response to the analysis. The first essay, Coordination Games with Strategic Delegation of Pivotality, exhaustively analyzes a class of binary action, two-player coordination games in which players receive stochastic payoffs only if both players take a ``stochastic-coordination action''. Players receive conditionally-independent noisy private signals about the normally distributed stochastic payoffs. With this structure, each player can exploit the information contained in the other player's action only when he takes the “pivotalizing action”. This feature has two consequences: (1) When the fear of miscoordination is not too large, in order to utilize the other player's information, each player takes the “pivotalizing action” more often than he would based solely on his private information, and (2) best responses feature both strategic complementarities and strategic substitutes, implying that the game is not supermodular nor a typical global game. This class of games has applications in a wide range of economic and political phenomena, including war and peace, protest/revolution/coup/ strike, interest groups lobbying, international trade, and adoption of a new technology. My second essay, Collective Action with Uncertain Payoffs, studies the decision problem of citizens who must decide whether to submit to the status quo or mount a revolution. If they coordinate, they can overthrow the status quo. Otherwise, the status quo is preserved and participants in a failed revolution are punished. Citizens face two types of uncertainty. (a) non-strategic: they are uncertain about the relative payoffs of the status quo and revolution, (b) strategic: they are uncertain about each other's assessments of the relative payoff. I draw on the existing literature and historical evidence to argue that the uncertainty in the payoffs of status quo and revolution is intrinsic in politics. Several counter-intuitive findings emerge: (1) Better communication between citizens can lower the likelihood of revolution. In fact, when the punishment for failed protest is not too harsh and citizens' private knowledge is accurate, then further communication reduces incentives to revolt. (2) Increasing strategic uncertainty can increase the likelihood of revolution attempts, and even the likelihood of successful revolution. In particular, revolt may be more likely when citizens privately obtain information than when they receive information from a common media source. (3) Two dilemmas arise concerning the intensity and frequency of punishment (repression), and the frequency of protest. Punishment Dilemma 1: harsher punishments may increase the probability that punishment is materialized. That is, as the state increases the punishment for dissent, it might also have to punish more dissidents. It is only when the punishment is sufficiently harsh, that harsher punishment reduces the frequency of its application. Punishment Dilemma 1 leads to Punishment Dilemma 2: the frequencies of repression and protest can be positively or negatively correlated depending on the intensity of repression. My third essay, The Repression Puzzle, investigates the relationship between the intensity of grievances and the likelihood of repression. First, I make the observation that the occurrence of state repression is a puzzle. If repression is to succeed, dissidents should not rebel. If it is to fail, the state should concede in order to save the costs of unsuccessful repression. I then propose an explanation for the “repression puzzle” that hinges on information asymmetries between the state and dissidents about the costs of repression to the state, and hence the likelihood of its application by the state. I present a formal model that combines the insights of grievance-based and political process theories to investigate the consequences of this information asymmetry for the dissidents' contentious actions and for the relationship between the magnitude of grievances (formulated here as the extent of inequality) and the likelihood of repression. The main contribution of the paper is to show that this relationship is non-monotone. That is, as the magnitude of grievances increases, the likelihood of repression might decrease. I investigate the relationship between inequality and the likelihood of repression in all country-years from 1981 to 1999. To mitigate specification problem, I estimate the probability of repression using a generalized additive model with thin-plate splines (GAM-TPS). This technique allows for flexible relationship between inequality, the proxy for the costs of repression and revolutions (income per capita), and the likelihood of repression. The empirical evidence support my prediction that the relationship between the magnitude of grievances and the likelihood of repression is non-monotone.

Nietzsche's orphans: music and the search for unity in revolutionary Russia, 1905-1921

At the dawn of the twentieth century, Imperial Russia was in the throes of immense social, political and cultural upheaval. The effects of rapid industrialization, rising capitalism and urbanization, as well as the trauma wrought by revolution and war, reverberated through all levels of society and every cultural sphere. In the aftermath of the 1905 revolution, amid a growing sense of panic over the chaos and divisions emerging in modern life, a portion of Russian educated society (obshchestvennost’) looked to the transformative and unifying power of music as a means of salvation from the personal, social and intellectual divisions of the contemporary world. Transcending professional divisions, these “orphans of Nietzsche” comprised a distinct aesthetic group within educated Russian society. While lacking a common political, religious or national outlook, these philosophers, poets, musicians and other educated members of the upper and middle strata were bound together by their shared image of music’s unifying power, itself built upon a synthesis of Russian and European ideas. They yearned for a “musical Orpheus,” a composer capable of restoring wholeness to society through his music. My dissertation is a study in what I call “musical metaphysics,” an examination of the creation, development, crisis and ultimate failure of this Orphic worldview. To begin, I examine the institutional foundations of musical life in late Imperial Russia, as well as the explosion of cultural life in the aftermath of the 1905 Revolution, a vibrant social context which nourished the formation of musical metaphysics. From here, I assess the intellectual basis upon which musical metaphysics rested: central concepts (music, life-transformation, theurgy, unity, genius, nation), as well as the philosophical heritage of Nietzsche and the Christian thinkers Vladimir Solov’ev, Aleksei Khomiakov, Ivan Kireevskii and Lev Tolstoi. Nietzsche’s orphans’ struggle to reconcile an amoral view of reality with a deeply felt sense of religious purpose gave rise to neo-Slavophile interpretations of history, in which the Russian nation (narod) was singled out as the savior of humanity from the materialism of modern life. This nationalizing tendency existed uneasily within the framework of the multi-ethnic empire. From broad social and cultural trends, I turn to detailed analysis of three of Moscow’s most admired contemporary composers, whose individual creative voices intersected with broader social concerns. The music of Aleksandr Scriabin (1871-1915) was associated with images of universal historical progress. Nikolai Medtner (1879-1951) embodied an “Imperial” worldview, in which musical style was imbued with an eternal significance which transcended the divisions of nation. The compositions of Sergei Rachmaninoff (1873-1943) were seen as the expression of a Russian “national” voice. Heightened nationalist sentiment and the impact of the Great War spelled the doom of this musical worldview. Music became an increasingly nationalized sphere within which earlier, Imperial definitions of belonging grew ever more problematic. As the Germanic heritage upon which their vision was partially based came under attack, Nietzsche’s orphans found themselves ever more divided and alienated from society as a whole. Music’s inability to physically transform the world ultimately came to symbolize the failure of Russia’s educated strata to effectively deal with the pressures of a modernizing society. In the aftermath of the 1917 revolutions, music was transformed from a symbol of active, unifying power into a space of memory, a means of commemorating, reinterpreting, and idealizing the lost world of Imperial Russia itself.

Modificação da pasta kraft de eucalipto para novas aplicações

Este trabalho constou num estudo da modificação da pasta kraft de eucalipto, utilizando uma técnica de processamento por alta pressão hidrostática com o intuito de melhorar a sua performance para novas aplicações tal como o papel tissue ou o papel para embalagens. Para tal pretendia-se melhorar algumas propriedades da pasta com a utilização da técnica de alta pressão hidrostática. Realizou-se um estudo preliminar onde se submeteu uma pasta branqueada A, não refinada, a um tratamento hiperbárico (TH) numa gama de pressões de 5000-8000 bar. Para uma pressão de 6000 bar constatou-se uma melhoria de cerca de 16 % no alongamento percentual na rotura, 17 % na resistência à tração, 27 % no índice de rebentamento e cerca de 19 % no índice de rasgamento. Posteriormente, e tendo em conta os resultados positivos verificados na pasta A, estudou-se o efeito do TH numa pasta branqueada B variando a consistência de tratamento (1,5% ou 3%) e o tempo de processamento (5 ou 10 minutos). Foi estudado também o efeito do TH quando aplicado antes e após a refinação da pasta. A pasta branca foi submetida à refinação num moinho PFI entre 1000 e 3000 rotações. Os resultados obtidos mostram que o TH realizado a menores consistências apresenta um efeito mais significativo nas propriedades físico-mecânicas de pastas e que o efeito é distinto quando o processamento é aplicado antes e depois da refinação, tendo-se registado melhoramentos das propriedades mecânicas apenas quando o TH ocorre após a refinação. A pasta kraft foi também modificada com anidrido alquenil succínico (ASA). A modificação da pasta de celulose com ASA resultou numa diminuição das propriedades mecânicas e para além disso não gerou qualquer alteração na termoplasticidade do material, no entanto registou-se um aumento na resistência à molhabilidade. Concluiu-se que o TH conduz a alterações ao nível de propriedades mecânicas e estruturais da pasta de interesse para a aplicação em papéis tissue no caso da pasta B. Para além disso a modificação da pasta com ASA resultou em alterações de interesse particular para papéis de embalagem.

A "Greater Britain": colonial kin in fictions of settlement, 1850-1890

This dissertation traces the ways in which nineteenth-century fictional narratives of white settlement represent “family” as, on the one hand, an abstract theoretical model for a unified and relatively homogenous British settler empire and on the other, a fundamental challenge to ideas about imperial integrity and transnational Anglo-Saxon racial identification. I argue that representations of transoceanic white families in nineteenth-century fictions about Australian settler colonialism negotiate the tension between the bounded domesticity of an insular English nation and the kind of kinship that spans oceans and continents as a result of mass emigration from the British isles to the United States, Canada, New Zealand, and the Australian colonies. As such, these fictions construct productive analogies between the familial metaphors and affective language in the political discourse of “Greater Britain”—-a transoceanic imagined community of British settler colonies and their “mother country” united by race and language—-and ideas of family, gender, and domesticity as they operate within specific bourgeois families. Concerns over the disruption of transoceanic families bear testament to contradictions between the idea of a unified imperial identity (both British and Anglo-Saxon), the proliferation of fractured local identities (such as settlers’ English, Irish Catholic, and Australian nationalisms), and the conspicuous absence of indigenous families from narratives of settlement. I intervene at the intersection of postcolonial literary criticism and gender theory by examining the strategic deployments of heteronormative kinship metaphors and metonymies in the rhetorical consolidation of settler colonial space. Settler colonialism was distinct from the “civilizing” domination of subject peoples in South Asia in that it depended on the rhetorical construction of colonial territory as empty space or as land occupied by nearly extinct “primitive” races. This dissertation argues that political rhetoric, travel narratives, and fiction used the image of white female bourgeois reproductive power and sentimental attachment as a technology for settler colonial success, embodying this technology both in the benevolent figure of the metropolitan “mother country” (the paternalistic female counter to the material realities of patriarchal and violent settler colonial practices) and in fictional juxtapositions of happy white settler fecund families with the solitary self-extinguishing figure of the black aboriginal “savage.” Yet even in the narratives where the continuity and coherence of families across imperial space is questioned—-and “Greater Britain” itself—-domesticity and heteronormative familial relations effectively rewrite settler space as white, Anglo-Saxon and bourgeois, and the sentimentalism of troubled European families masks the presence and genocide of indigenous aboriginal peoples. I analyze a range of novels and political texts, canonical and non-canonical, metropolitan and colonial. My introductory first chapter examines the discourse on a “Greater Britain” in the travel narratives of J.A. Froude, Charles Wentworth Dilke, and Anthony Trollope and in the Oxbridge lectures of Herman Merivale and J.R. Seeley. These writers make arguments for an imperial economy of affect circulating between Britain and the settler colonies that reinforces political connections, and at times surpasses the limits of political possibility by relying on the language of sentiment and feeling to build a transoceanic “Greater British” community. Subsequent chapters show how metropolitan and colonial fiction writers, including Charles Dickens, Anthony Trollope, Marcus Clarke, Henry Kingsley, and Catherine Helen Spence, test the viability of this “Greater British” economy of affect by presenting transoceanic family connections and structures straining under the weight of forces including the vast distances between colonies and the “mother country,” settler violence, and the transportation system.

Americanismo e fordismo nos boletins da comissão brasileiro-americana de educação industrial

This text thematizes the performance of the Brazilian-American Commission of Industrial Education (CBAI) since its installation at Rio de Janeiro, on 1947, and extinction in Curitiba, on 1963. The general goal consists in identifying if are there any relation between Gramsci’s Americanism and Fordism elements and the CBAI’s performance, by means of a speech analysis from de Newsletter of CBAI and other documental sources related to the organizations performance. The specifics objectives intend to contextualize the political and economic situation that Brazil was going through before and concomitant to CBAI’s performance, emphasizing some aspects of the Cold War feature that contributed to narrow the relations between United States and other countries of Latin America, especially Brazil. On the following, it intends to present the main aspects of Gramsci’s thought and the Americanism and fordism and Passive Revolution as key categories for a better understanding of the presence of an Americanization project on Brazilian’s professional education. As so, the object of this study are the Newsletters of CBAI. Finally, the speech’s analisys of the Newsletter was the methodology used to demonstrate CBAI as an Americanism diffuser. The documental research and sources served as groundwork, especially the Newsletters, were found at Departamento de Documentação Histórica of Universidade Tecnológica Federal do Paraná (DEDHIS) and at Biblioteca de Educação of Universidade de São Paulo (FEUSP). The theoretical foundation has as a workline for the conception of the categories the studies of Gramsci about the of work (and the Newsletters itself), and the speech’s analysis of main concepts from Bakhtin, Voloshinov’s and the Circle of studies about language philosophy. At last, this paperwork concludes that the attempt to disseminate an amerizanization project in Brazil obtneined significant results on the industrialization of the country according to the fordism’s racionalization standarts, nevertheless, this research considers that such a project corroborates the comprehension about the consolidation of a Passive Revolution’s project.

Entre a teoria e a prática: por uma reflexão sobre o que e como os estudantes de graduação compreendem os processos revolucionários ocorridos na Inglaterra do século XVII

Jörn Rüsen influenciou teoricamente a base deste Trabalho de Conclusão de Mestrado, que se propõe apresentar a consciência histórica como substanciação da forma dos seres humanos se corresponderem ao mundo através da relação temporal entre o presente e o passado para prospectar o futuro, sendo tais condições extremamente necessárias à práxis vital. Através disso, o presente trabalho sofreu algumas alterações, pois passou-se a entender que não era relevante analisar o que apresentavam os livros didáticos por si só, mas sim como as pessoas que os liam se orientavam temporalmente através das informações que eles apresentavam. A partir de então, começou-se a refletir algumas questões para a produção desse trabalho, como, por exemplo: 1) Qual seria o público-alvo da pesquisa?; 2) Qual a justificativa para o público-alvo?; 3) Que metodologia usar para extrair as fontes narrativas?; 4) Que materiais utilizar como base informativa ao público-alvo; 5) Como criar um mecanismo coerente para extrair a percepção temporal e significativa do públicoalvo? 6) Quais as significâncias que o público-alvo apresentou sobre o assunto? Deve-se ficar claro que o assunto permaneceu, que é a análise sobre as modificações políticas, intelectuais, religiosas, econômicas, etc., da Inglaterra durante o século XVII, o que mudou foi somente a forma de análise sobre tal assunto.

Ciríaco de Cardoso e O burro do Sr. Alcaide : percursos de formação de um compositor de comédia musical no Portugal finissecular

O principal objetivo deste estudo foi compreender as etapas do percurso artístico do compositor portuense Ciríaco de Cardoso (1846 – 1900) e os discursos em torno de uma das suas obras mais célebres: O burro do Sr. Alcaide (1891). No primeiro capítulo procurou-se identificar e discutir os critérios que estiveram na base das opções profissionais tomadas por Ciríaco. O decurso da sua carreira leva a crer que possuía uma noção profunda das atividades que, no espaço lusófono, apresentavam maior potencial de aquisição quer de capital económico, quer de capital simbólico. É por isso que, mobilizando recursos das suas redes de sociabilidade, circula por instituições no Porto e em Lisboa mas, também, pelo lucrativo mercado teatral do Rio de Janeiro, assim como em Paris. Concentra-se no popular teatro musical – principal fonte de sustento – em paralelo com a atividade concertística e operática – forma de distinção atendendo à competitividade no mercado musico-teatral. Percebe também que a maximização do seu poder simbólico depende da legitimação alcançada pela sua associação às elites socioculturais locais, pelo que fomenta o estabelecimento de sociabilidades que se estendem inclusive às casas reais portuguesa e brasileira. Paradoxalmente, as edes mais próximas de Ciríaco estavam vinculadas a um idealismo republicano, relacionamento que exponencial proliferação de discursos dessa índole pelos media lusófonos (sobretudo a partir do tricentenário camoniano de 1880) e, por outro, pela aparente inexistência de registos que associem inequivocamente o artista ao ativismo republicano. Não obstante, é provável que Ciríaco de Cardoso tenha explorado o filão antimonárquico na programação da temporada de 1891 do Teatro da Avenida. O segundo capítulo explora a produção de O burro do Sr. Alcaide, através da análise da sua estrutura e das relações da obra com a realidade portuguesa da última década do século XIX. Embora respeite o modelo da opereta francesa, apresenta também características que poderão levar a que seja interpretada como transmissora de uma portugalidade idealizada, em linha com o nacionalismo português do último quartel do século. A ação decorre em Lisboa, cenário de interação entre personagens-tipo e caricaturas de personalidades concretas da elite sociopolítica portuguesa. Através de referências ao sebastianismo, satiriza-se o comportamento dessas elites, assim como as instituições da monarquia constitucional e a prevalência de uma visão messiânica dos governantes por parte da sociedade em geral. Faz-se a apologia da ruralidade através de tópicos musicais e de quadros onde se constrói uma imagem da música tradicional, correspondendo a uma idealização da nação – notada e enfatizada na receção pela crítica. Utiliza também outros tópicos pertencentes à paisagem sonora do público burguês, completando a expressão da urbanidade de um país onde essas duas realidades não eram ainda completamente dissociáveis. Contudo, ao não propor alterações efetivas à hierarquia da sociedade portuguesa finissecular, o desfecho da obra leva a concluir que esta terá consistido numa forma de propaganda o que, por um lado, explica o seu mediatismo e, por outro, vincula os seus autores – mais ou menos conscientes disso – às lutas políticas em curso aquando do ano da sua estreia.

Sapatilhando na blogosfera : narrando o processo de subjetividade e pronunciamento feminino

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação, 2016.

Periodismo literario y conflicto social en México en las crónicas de Charles Bowden y Judith Torrea

La presente comunicación analiza las relaciones entre periodismo literario y conflicto social a partir de la visión que sobre la violencia, el narcotráfico, los asesinatos, el crimen, las desapariciones etc., tienen las crónicas de Charles Bowden y Judtih Torrea. Bowden es un periodista norteamericano, recientemente fallecido, que ha vivido en primera persona el problema de la violencia a un lado y a otro de la frontera entre México y Estados Unidos. Por su parte, Judith Torrea, es una periodista española, Premio Ortega y Gasset 2010 de periodismo en Internet, afincada en Juárez y cuya obra se ha centrado en las desapariciones de mujeres en Juárez. La perspectiva de ambos profesionales, de procedencia y generación distinta, nos permite abordar el fenómeno del conflicto social mexicano no sólo desde el ángulo del análisis pormenorizado del problema, sino de la visión personal y en muchos casos subjetiva del periodista que se enfrenta in situ, y de manera personal a estas situaciones de conflicto. Nos centraremos para este doble análisis, de un lado La ciudad del crimen: Ciudad Juárez y los nuevos campos de exterminio de la economía global del periodista norteamericano Charles Bowden y Juárez en la sombra: Crónica de una ciudad que se resiste a morir de la periodista española Judith Torrea. Creemos poder contribuir de esta manera al estudio del periodismo literario a través de la crónica como género a partir de las adaptaciones que esta sufre en función del contexto del que trata. Centramos el caso en el estudio de Ciudad Juárez dada la importancia de este caso y su repercusión social y el eco internacional que tiene a lo que se añade el carácter fronterizo del problema y por tanto un fenómeno que posee una singularidad específica. This communication analyses the relationship between literary journalism and social conflict, from the point of view Charles Bowden and Judtih Torrea chronicles have about violence, drug trafficking, murders, crime, disappearances, etc. Bowden is an American journalist, recently deceased, who has experienced on the first hand the problem of violence on the border between Mexico and the United States. Meanwhile, Torrea is a Spanish journalist, awarded in 2010 with the Journalism on the Internet Ortega y Gasset Prize, settled in Juarez conflict and whose work is focused on the disappearances of women in Juarez. The perspectives of both professionals, who are from different origin and generation, allow us to deal with the situation of Mexican social conflict, from the angle of detailed analysis of the problem, and from the journalist’s personal view, often subjective, who had to cope with this reality. For this double analysis, we will focus, firstly, on Murder City: Ciudad Juarez and the Global Economy's New Killing Fields by the American journalist Charles Bowden and, secondly, on City of Juarez: Under the Shadow of Drug Trafficking by the Spanish journalist Judith Torrea. Accordingly, we contribute to the study of literary journalism through the chronicle as genre with the adaptation it suffers depending on the context. Ciudad Juarez is the center of this investigation due to the importance of this case and its social impact and international repercussions. Besides, the border problem contributes to give a specific singularity to this.

FERTILISER CREDIT AND AGROECOLOGICAL USE OF ORGANIC SOIL AMENDMENTS IN NORTHERN GHANA

Contemporary African agricultural policy embodies the African Green Revolution’s drive towards modernisation and commercialisation. Agroecologists have criticised this movement on ecological, social and political grounds. Northern Ghanaian fertiliser credit schemes provide a good example through which these critiques can be examined in a context where agricultural policy reflects the African Green Revolution’s ideals. This study aimed to determine the relationship of such credit schemes to farmers’ use of organic amendments, elucidate other factors related to organic amendment use, and comment on the relevance of this modernisation policy and its relationship to agroecology. A first research phase employed semi-structured key informant interviews. Qualitative data from these informed construction of a semi-structured questionnaire that was used in a survey of 205 farmers. Multistage sampling purposively identified five villages and selected farmers within who had joined government and donor-funded fertiliser credit schemes. The use of organic and inorganic amendments was compared to that of peers who had not taken part in such schemes. Quantitative data were used in binomial logistic regression, inferential and descriptive statistics. Qualitative data were content analysed. Credit group membership was associated with higher fertiliser application and yield, but had little influence on the extent of commercialisation. Farmers who applied organic amendments were 40% less likely to belong to a fertiliser credit scheme than not, indicating substitution between organic and inorganic fertilisers. Organic amendments were 40% more likely to be applied to compound farms than outfields and six times more likely to be applied by household heads than other household members. However, household heads also preferentially joined credit groups. This was part of an agroecological soil fertility management strategy. Household heads appreciated the soil moisture retention properties of organic amendments, and applied them to compound farms to reduce risk to their household food supply in a semi-arid environment. They simultaneously accessed fertiliser to enhance this household provisioning strategy. They appreciated the increased yields this achieved, yet complained that the repayment terms of credit schemes were unfair, fertiliser did not enhance yields in dry conditions and fertilisers were supplied late. Farmers’ use of credited fertiliser alongside their existing agroecological strategy is helpful to the extent that it raises yields, yet is problematic in that it conflicts with risk-reduction strategies based on organics. There is some potential for modernised and agroecological management paradigms to coexist. For fertiliser credit to play a role in this, schemes must use fairer repayment terms and involve a focus on simultaneous use of organic amendments.

The Sword and the Pen: Life Writings by Militant-Authors of the Việt Minh and Front de Libération Nationale (FLN)

This dissertation examines four life writings by militant-authors of the Việt Minh and Front de la Libération Nationale (FLN): Ngô Văn Chiêu’s Journal d’un combattant Viet-Minh (1955), Đặng Văn Việt’s De la RC 4 à la N 4: la campagne des frontières (2000), Si Azzedine’s On nous appelait fellaghas (1976), and Saadi Yacef’s two-volume La Bataille d’Alger (2002). In describing the Vietnamese and Algerian Revolutions through the perspectives of combatants who participated in their respective countries’ national liberation struggles, the texts reveal that four key factors motivated the militants and led them to believe that independence was historically inevitable: (1) a philosophical, political, and ideological framework, (2) the support of multiple segments of the local population, (3) the effective use of guerrilla and psychological warfare, and (4) military, moral, and political assistance provided by international allies. By fighting for the independence of their countries and documenting their revolutionary experiences, the four militant-authors leave their mark on the world using both the sword and the pen.

Europeanization beyond the EU: The case of Georgia.

320 p.