A relação entre as hormonas sexuais e a voz no sexo feminino

Trabalho Final do Curso de Mestrado Integrado em Medicina, Faculdade de Medicina, Universidade de Lisboa, 2014

Intimacy, sexual satisfaction and sexual distress in vulvodynia couples : an observational study

Note de l'éditeur : This article may not exactly replicate the final version published in the APA journal. It is not the copy of record. / Cet article ne constitue pas la version officielle, et peut différer de la version publiée dans la revue.

Perspective maternelle de la consultation anténatale pour travail préterme : une approche relationnelle

Une femme à risque d’un accouchement prématuré vit un enjeu de santé très éprouvant et stressant ; elle sera souvent hospitalisée pour recevoir des traitements médicaux visant à prolonger la grossesse et améliorer le pronostic du bébé. Dans ce contexte, une consultation avec un néonatalogiste est demandée. Plusieurs associations professionnelles médicales ont émis des lignes directrices sur cette consultation, insistant sur le besoin d’informer les parents au sujet des complications potentielles de la prématurité pour leur enfant. Ces recommandations s’inspirent du point de vue médical, et très peu d’études ont examiné la perspective, les attentes et les besoins des parents à risque d’un accouchement prématuré. Ce projet de thèse a pour objectif de proposer un modèle de relation médecin-patient informé de la perspective maternelle de la consultation anténatale, pour développer une approche clinique répondant à leurs besoins. Afin d’examiner cette problématique de façon complète, un travail constant de va-et-vient a été effectué entre la recension de données empiriques et une réflexion normative bioéthique féministe. Un projet de recherche empirique a d’abord permis d’explorer les attentes et le vécu de ces femmes. Les participantes espéraient recevoir plus que de l’information sur les complications de la prématurité. Elles souhaitaient que le néonatologiste soit attentif à leur situation particulière et qu’il développe une relation de confiance avec elles, leur permettant d’explorer leurs futurs rôles de mères et les encourageant à formuler leurs propres questions. Le cadre théorique féministe d’autonomie relationnelle a ensuite permis de proposer une approche de soin qui sache répondre aux besoins identifiés par les patientes, tout en adressant des enjeux de pouvoir intrinsèques à la clinique, qui influencent la santé et l’autonomie de ces femmes. Cette approche insiste sur l’importance de la relation de soin en clinique, contrastant avec un modèle encourageant une vision réductrice de l’autonomie, dans laquelle un simple transfert de données scientifiques serait équivalent au respect de la norme médicolégale du consentement éclairé. Ce modèle relationnel propose des actions concrètes et pratiques, encourageant les cliniciens à entrer en relation avec chaque patiente et à considérer l’influence qu’ils exercent sur l’autonomie relationnelle de leurs patientes.

Sexualité et corporéité féminines dans le cinéma de réalisatrices contemporaines : une lecture féministe

Ce mémoire de maîtrise étudie le traitement cinématographique de la sexualité et de la corporéité féminines dans le travail de réalisatrices contemporaines. Il prend appui sur les films Anatomie de l’enfer (Catherine Breillat, 2004), Sleeping Beauty (Julia Leigh, 2011), Nuit #1 (Anne Émond, 2011), et Klip (Maja Milos, 2012). Notre hypothèse est que ces réalisatrices adoptent une posture féministe, affirmée ou non, par leur révision des stéréotypes de genre relatifs au corps et à la sexualité féminine. Dans un premier temps, nous nous intéressons à la dynamique érotique entretenue, à travers l’Histoire, entre la femme comme objet de désir et l’homme comme sujet désirant, au cinéma comme ailleurs. Puis, nous analysons la déconstruction des stéréotypes de genre féminins de pudeur et de passivité au sein du corpus choisi. Nous démontrons ainsi qu’en révisant ces stéréotypes, les réalisatrices déjouent volontairement le spectateur dans son expérience érotique. Enfin, nous examinons les stratégies d’auto-réification du corps féminin récurrentes chez les cinéastes étudiées. Nous estimons que les cinéastes s’inscrivent de la sorte dans une tendance à la subversion observable dans les pratiques artistiques féministes contemporaines.

How I Got Pregnant: Should Having a Child Justify a Partner’s ‘Deception’?

Réponse à - Travail créatif / Response to - Creative work

Citizenship in post-awakening Tunisia: power shifts and conflicting perceptions

With the passing of its new Constitution, Tunisia is rightly celebrated as the Arab state that has advanced the most in strengthening democratic rights provisions. The Constitution formally enshrines the progress Tunisia has made especially on women’s rights; the rights of expression and assembly; freedom of the press; the rights of political parties; and the formal recognition of social and economic rights. However, the Constitution does not definitively resolve tensions between individual and religious rights. In order to maintain consensus between the differing opinions in Tunisia, the document remains ambivalent on the state’s precise role in protecting the ‘sacred’. Tunisia has made much progress, but the Constitution is likely to perpetuate rather than close debates over different concepts of rights.

The WTO and Female Labor Rights in Developing Countries. IES WORKING PAPER 3/2008

The impacts of WTO on women’s labour rights in the developing countries have been raised to the international agenda by various nongovernmental organizations. On the one hand it is assumed that international trade policies are gender neutral. On the other hand a number of authors hold the view that the negative impacts of WTO policies are more pronounced on female than male workers. This paper takes a critical look at these claims. It argues that the impact of the WTO system, the driving force of trade liberalization, on women’s labour rights in the developing countries is a complicated issue, because the effects have been both negative and positive. In support of this claim, this paper first briefly reviews the international framework for the protection of women’s labour rights. Next, the WTO agreements and policies are analysed insofar as they are relevant for the protection of women’s labour rights. The analysis covers, for example, the use of the trade policy review mechanism and restrictions of trade on grounds of violation of public morals.. Finally, a case study is conducted on the situation of female workers in Bangladesh and Pakistan, countries that have recently undergone a liberalization of trade in the textiles and clothing sectors. It is concluded that the increase of international trade in the developing countries has created many work opportunities for women, helped them to become more independent and allowed them to participate in the society more actively. However, it is at the same time posited that in order to comply with its own objectives of raising standards of living and full employment, the WTO should engage itself in active policies to overcome the negative aspects of trade on female workers in the developing countries.

The European Parliament: it has to do with you. European Policy Brief No. 25, March 2014

In the City, the citizen is king. At least theoretically. In the European City currently being built around twenty eight national democracies, the citizen will soon be called upon, in May, to democratically elect his or her representative in the European Parliament for the next five years. Since the very first election of Members of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage in 1979, spectacular progress has been made by the “European Economic Community” that we now all know as the European Union. And the powers vested in citizen representatives are equally impressive. But there is a real possibility that European citizens will turn their backs on the upcoming European elections like never before. Why?

Twenty-eight national elections for a Parliament in constant evolution. European Policy Brief No. 26, March 2014

In the City, the citizen is king. At least theoretically. In the European City currently being built around twenty-eight national democracies, the citizen will soon be called upon, in May, to democratically elect his or her representative in the European Parliament for the next five years. Since the very first election of Members of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage in 1979, spectacular progress has been made by the “European Economic Community” that we now all know as the European Union. And the powers vested in citizen representatives are equally impressive. But there is a real possibility that European citizens will turn their backs on the upcoming European elections like never before. Why?

The New European Commission Presidency and the Advent of European Democracy. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 17, August 2014

On June 15, 2014, Jean-Claude Juncker, the lead candidate of the European People’s Party, was elected President of the European Commission, with the support of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, and some of the European Socialists and Greens. Amid unprecedented Euroscepticism, the media and many pundits predicted a record-low voter turnout and record-high results for Europhobic parties. The aforementioned parties then decided that the political outcome of these 2014 European elections would also be unprecedented. For the first time in EU history, the European political parties agreed to nominate candidates to chair the institution, which they justified by putting forward Article 17 of the Lisbon Treaty. The European Parliament has often characteristically used political discourse - the logos, to influence the EU’s institutional framework, even though it entails grappling with Member States. It took the form of reports and resolutions, like the official use of the phrase “European Parliament” in 1962, direct universal suffrage elections in 1975 and a European Union in 1984. Nominating contenders to chair the European Commission is no exception. It requires a specific political discourse whose origins can be traced back to the early years of the European Parliament, when it was still the “Common Assembly”. This political discourse is one of the elements thanks to which the European Parliament acquired visibility and new prerogatives, in pursuit of its legitimacy. However, the executive branch in all member states is not intent on yielding such prerogatives to the European Parliament. As a matter of fact, the European Parliament has often ended up strengthening the heads of state and governments, since MEPs are forced to resort to self-discipline. The symbolic significance of its logos and, consequently, its own politicisation as a source of legitimacy, is thus undermined. For instance, in 2014, Jean-Claude Juncker’s election actually strengthened German Chancellor Angela Merkel. First she questioned the fact that the candidate whose party holds the parliamentary majority after the election should be appointed President of the Commission. Then she seemed strongly intent on democratising the Union, when she confronted David Cameron, who openly opposed Juncker, believed to be too federalist and old-fashioned a candidate. By doing so, she eventually reduced the symbolic dimension of the European Parliament’s initiative, and Juncker’s election. She also unquestionably embodied EU leadership. This paper aims at analysing Juncker’s election to the Presidency of the European Commission, as well as other questions it raises. In the first part, I lay out some thoughts about the sociohistorical context of voting in European elections in order to make the readers understand why the European Parliament should be bolder. Secondly, I try to explain how the European Parliament has used the logos as a weapon to grapple with member states for more power, as was the case during the 2014 European elections. Last but not least, I seek to show how Angela Merkel got hold of that weapon and took advantage of it, thus proving that despite MEPs’ best efforts, Juncker’s task will be all the more complicated as he was not the consensual candidate of all the governments.

Women's Rights in the Aftermath of Egypt's Revolution. Arab Citizenship Review No. 9, 26 August 2015 [also EUSpring Working Paper No. 5]

Addressing the issue of “women’s rights” in Egypt may seem like an easy topic from a purely legal standpoint, but the most enlightening way to do so is to adopt a holistic approach by understanding the political, social, cultural and class effects of this issue. Since 1952, people in Egypt have looked at “women’s rights” as a purely state matter, one characterised mainly by legal reforms. Until 2011, women’s rights were manipulated via a top-down approach by making changes in some policies and laws. Since 2011, with the emergence of the question of social movements, tackling women’s rights has been transformed via the use of certain tools and different perspectives. This is clearly manifested in the vast mobilisation that took place in governorates outside Cairo, which featured the use of artistic tools such as graffiti, story-telling performances, the production of feminist songs, open-microphone sessions, etc., in addition to the extensive use of social media and online campaigning to mainstream feminist ideologies and highlight violations experienced by women. Before 2011, the public space in Egypt was limited to citizens, political groups and civil society for employing legal approaches such as litigations and policy changes by direct pressure on authorities. The 2011 revolution opened the public space to the use of new tools that are not limited to protests and sit-ins, but also new media windows and new political forces who carried the question of certain rights in their agendas as well as the accessibility of different governmental actors. This paper will highlight different topics around women’s rights and gender issues in Egypt after 2011. This paper will review different gender issues after 2011, including the targeting of women in public spaces, women’s representation in decision-making bodies, legal reform, economic and social rights, and sexual and reproductive rights. It will also investigate how the feminist movement has changed and evolved since 2011, and to what degree women's issues and feminism can be analysed in a multidisciplinary way.

Can group exercise programs improve health outcomes in pregnant women? A systematic review

Current scientific evidence supports the recommendation to initiate or continue the practice of physical exercise in healthy pregnant women. Group exercise programs have positive effects in improving health and well-being, as well as social support. In order to understand the scientific evidence in this field, and the outcomes in maternal health, it has generated wide interest in exploring the studies carried out with more relevant group exercise programs. The aim of this systematic review was to evaluate the available evidence on the effectiveness of group exercise programs in improving women’s and newborns health outcomes during pregnancy. Three databases were used to conduct literature searches and strict inclusion and exclusion criteria were employed. Seventeen studies were selected for analysis. All studies were randomized control trials conducted with pregnant women that evaluated the effect of group exercise programs on the health outcomes of mother and newborn. Most studies followed a supervised structured exercise program including a main aerobic part, resistance training, pelvic floor training and stretching and relaxation sections. The significant effects of the programs are related with improved maternal perception of health status, lower maternal weight gain, improved levels of maternal glucose tolerance, improved aerobic fitness and muscular strength, lower frequency of urinary incontinence, improved sick leave due to lumbopelvic pain, fewer cesarean and instrumental deliveries, higher newborn Apgar score and faster postpartum recovery. Exercise and health professionals should advise pregnant women that aerobic group exercise during pregnancy improves a wide range of health outcomes for the women and newborn

Influence of body composition on gait Kknetics throughout pregnancy and postpartum period

Pregnancy leads to several changes in body composition and morphology of women. It is not clear whether the biomechanical changes occurring in this period are due exclusively to body composition and size or to other physiological factors. The purpose was to quantify the morphology and body composition of women throughout pregnancy and in the postpartum period and identify the contribution of these parameters on the lower limb joints kinetic during gait. Eleven women were assessed longitudinally, regarding anthropometric, body composition, and kinetic parameters of gait. Body composition and body dimensions showed a significant increase during pregnancy and a decrease in the postpartum period. In the postpartum period, body composition was similar to the 1st trimester, except for triceps skinfold, total calf area, and body mass index, with higher results than at the beginning of pregnancy. Regression models were developed to predict women’s internal loading through anthropometric variables. Four models include variables associated with the amount of fat; four models include variables related to overall body weight; three models include fat-free mass; one model includes the shape of the trunk as a predictor variable. Changes in maternal body composition and morphology largely determine kinetic dynamics of the joints in pregnant women.

Intimacy, sexual satisfaction and sexual distress in vulvodynia couples : an observational study

Note de l'éditeur : This article may not exactly replicate the final version published in the APA journal. It is not the copy of record. / Cet article ne constitue pas la version officielle, et peut différer de la version publiée dans la revue.