933 resultados para Sphere of influence


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Los MOOC han irrumpido de forma acelerada en el ámbito de la educación. Las principales universidades estadounidenses primero y, posteriormente, muchas otras –entre ellas, algunas españolas— están desarrollando a través de diversas plataformas en Internet, cursos bajo este formato. Al encontrarnos en una situación inicial de desarrollo de MOOC, son escasos los estudios sobre su evaluación. Por ello, el presente estudio ha realizado 129 evaluaciones a 52 MOOC ofertados por 10 plataformas. Se han analizado sus características pedagógicas a partir del Cuestionario de evaluación de la calidad de cursos virtuales (Arias, 2007). Del mismo modo se aborda la hipótesis de la existencia de diferencias estadísticamente significativas en cuanto a la calidad de los cursos en función de la plataforma que contiene los MOOC, analizando la influencia que el idioma o la presencia de una guía didáctica adecuada tiene sobre dicha calidad. Los resultados obtenidos en el presente trabajo no evidencian diferencias de forma generalizada entre los cursos, pero sí existen diferencias estadísticamente significativas en 5 de los 36 indicadores de calidad pedagógica propuestos.

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La aplicación de los Sistemas de Información Geográfica (SIG) se ha extendido en el mundo científico-técnico, donde se ha convertido en un instrumento de análisis y almacenamiento de información imprescindible. El uso de los SIG abarca casi cualquier aplicación en la que haya una componente espacial, como usos militares, aplicaciones en infraestructuras, planificación territorial, etc. En el medio marino se pueden aplicar para teledetección, cartografía digital, geoestadística, análisis y modelación espacial, Infraestructuras de Datos Espaciales (IDE), visores web, etc. En 1988, la Región de Murcia impulsó el proyecto de cartografía binómica del litoral murciano, siendo un instrumento que ha ido actualizándose hasta nuestros días. En comparación con otras regiones mediterráneas españolas, el litoral murciano es el tramo del litoral mediterráneo con la información cartográfica más completa y precisa, además del SIG marino más avanzado. Son numerosos los trabajos y aplicaciones en los que se ha utilizado como base la cartografía y los datos asociados, como la Red Natura 2000, ‘Programa de gestión integrada del litoral del Mar Menor y su zona de influencia’, caracterización ambiental para la propuesta de Reservas Marinas, diagnóstico medioambiental, etc.

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Although cultural industries can benefit from social networks in many ways, few Spanish studies examine the extent to which firms within this economic sector actually use such networks. This study's objective is to investigate the role of online social networks in Spanish cultural firms. The study begins with a literature review on cultural industries and social networks. Then the study proceeds to a Delphi analysis that draws upon experts' opinions. Results reveal a predominance of utilitarian uses over expressive ones, as well as an overriding use of proactive motivations rather than reactive ones within the context of cultural firms' use of social networks. The study confirms the profitability of these networks and the transfer of influence or power from providers to the consumers of cultural goods and services.

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El análisis de citas bibliográficas que usa variaciones de métodos de conteo provoca deformaciones en la evaluación del impacto. Para enriquecer el cálculo de los factores de impacto se necesita entender el tipo de influencia de los aportes de un investigador sobre el autor que los menciona. Para ello, se requiere realizar análisis de contenido del contexto de las citas que permita obtener su función, polaridad e influencia. El presente artículo trata sobre la definición de un esquema de anotación tendiente a la creación de un corpus de acceso público que sea la base de trabajo colaborativo en este campo, con miras al desarrollo de sistemas que permitan llevar adelante tareas de análisis de contenido con el objetivo planteado.

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La realidad metropolitana de los países desarrollados está experimentando cambios importantes asociados a la creciente separación entre los espacios de residencia y trabajo. En las áreas metropolitanas se dan los procesos de este tipo más complejos cuyas consecuencias territoriales inmediatas son la potenciación de ciertas centralidades a la vez que crecen centros nuevos o tradicionales en sus áreas de influencia. La estructura territorial (la red urbana y de transportes, fundamentalmente) en el Área Metropolitana de Valencia (AMV) incide claramente en los problemas asociados a la equidad social y a la sostenibilidad ambiental. La comunicación que aquí se presenta se centra en el análisis de dichos cambios en la última década, a partir del comportamiento demográfico de los municipios, las pautas generales de movilidad y los cambios en la ocupación del suelo en el AMV.

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No âmbito de um projeto, já concluído, sobre escolhas vocacionais realizadas pelos alunos à entrada do ensino secundário em Portugal, um dado mereceu a nossa particular atenção: a renúncia da influência, ou seja, a crença de que a escolha efetuada foi liberta de qualquer tipo de influência evidenciou-se como valor comum partilhado por todos os jovens inquiridos. Com base em dados, quantitativos (inquérito por questionário a 1793 alunos do ensino secundário) e qualitativos (24 entrevistas individuais semidiretivas a alunos do mesmo nível de ensino), recolhidos no âmbito do citado projeto, este artigo procura (re)situar a negação das influências externas no processo de definição do percurso escolar no quadro dos processos de construção de si na adolescência. Faremos isso confrontando a autonomia reivindicada pelos adolescentes com as fontes de influência que participam e suportam essa mesma escolha. Assim, identificar-se-ão ao longo do artigo quem são os interlocutores dos alunos no processo de (re)definição das suas vocações, a que suportes informativos recorrem para apoiar as suas escolhas e que grau de importância atribuem a estas fontes de informação. O conjunto dos dados apresentados permite melhor compreender a complexidade inerente aos processos de individuação na adolescência, ao enquadrar os legítimos discursos de afirmação de si na densa teia de relações sociais em que têm lugar, destacando o papel diferenciado desempenhado pelo mundo escolar, pela família e pela mídia.

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Russia’s annexation of Crimea and destabilization of Ukraine have created a new context for Kazakhstan’s foreign and domestic policy. The ongoing crisis in the relations with Russia and the West has also changed the current order in the entire post-Soviet area. From Astana’s perspective, the Kremlin’s policy towards Ukraine can be considered dangerous since it shows Russia’s determination to interfere with the domestic affairs of its neighbours in the pursuit of its own interests. Furthermore, this policy reveals and raises the price a country needs to pay for its potential attempts to break free from the Russian zone of influence. At present the biggest challenge for the authorities in Astana is the accelerated implementation of the idea of the Eurasian Union promoted by Moscow, which is to be another stage in the integration of post-Soviet states (presently Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus). The signing of the Eurasian Union’s founding documents planned for late May 2014 and the launch of this organisation (scheduled for January 2015) is sure to bring Kazakhstan closer to Russia and simultaneously limit its economic and political independence. Nevertheless, Astana’s position in relations with Moscow will to a large extent depend on the new shape of the relations between Russia and China. China is pursuing its own strategic interests in Central Asia (including in the energy sector) and its main partner in the region is Kazakhstan. At the domestic level, Russia’s actions in Ukraine made the authorities in Astana fear that measures similar to those used in Ukraine could be applied towards Kazakhstan. On the one hand this has led to increased efforts aimed at consolidating the state and strengthening its structures, and on the other hand it has brought about a revision of those aspects of domestic policy which Russia could interpret as a pretext for interfering.

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Initiated in May 2011, several months after the Fukushima nuclear disaster, Germany’s energy transformation (Energiewende) has been presented as an irrevocable plan, and – due to the speed of change required – it represents a new quality in Germany’s energy strategy. Its main objectives include: nuclear energy being phased out by 2022, the development of renewable energy sources (OZE), the expansion of transmission networks, the construction of new conventional power plants and an improvement in energy efficiency.The cornerstone of the strategy is the development of renewable energy. Under Germany's amended renewable energy law, the proportion of renewable energy in electricity generation is supposed to increase steadily from the current level of around 20% to approximately 38% in 2020. In 2030, renewable energy is expected to account for 50% of electricity generation. This is expected to increase to 65% in 2040 and to as much as 80% in 2050. The impact of the Energiewende is not limited to the sphere of energy supplies. In the medium and long term, it will change not only to the way the German economy operates, but also the functioning of German society and the state. Facing difficulties with the expansion of transmission networks, the excessive cost of building wind farms, and problems with the stability of electricity supplies, especially during particularly cold winters, the federal government has so far tended to centralise power and limit the independence of the German federal states with regard to their respective energy policies, justifying this with the need for greater co-ordination. The Energiewende may also become the beginning of a "third industrial revolution", i.e. a transition to a green economy and a society based on sustainable development. This will require a new "social contract" that will redefine the relations between the state, society and the economy. Negotiating such a contract will be one of the greatest challenges for German policy in the coming years.

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In 2011 Croatia entered the final stage of its accession negotiations with the EU. The completion of these negotiations will probably coincide with the parliamentary elections which should be held in November or December this year. The elections are likely to bring about a change of government, as public support for Jadranka Kosor's cabinet and her party, the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) has been declining; the left-wing opposition is likely to take power. Therefore, the government’s main goal is to complete the accession negotiations in the first half of the year, in order to sign the accession treaty and hold the EU membership referendum before the parliamentary elections. The HDZ believes that only the successful completion of the accession negotiations could increase its chances of a good result in the upcoming elections. At the same time, fearing a further fall in support, the government will avoid any decisions and reforms that would be controversial for the public, especially in the sphere of the economy; such decisions could also increase Euroscepticism among the Croatian public, and result in the rejection of EU accession in the referendum. The government in Zagreb hopes that the currently implemented anti-corruption strategy and reform of the judiciary, as well as the advanced process of adaptation to EU conditions, will be enough to complete the negotiations. This strategy has a serious chance of success, considering that there is considerable support for Croatia's membership among the EU countries and institutions. Another reason is that further prolongation of the negotiations could aggravate hostility towards the EU among the Croatian public, and would be a bad sign for other Balkan states with membership aspirations. However, subordinating Croatian policies to the completion of negotiations in the first half of the year could prove to be adverse for Croatia itself in the longer term, as it would put off the necessary structural reforms.

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In its attempts to catch up with the global trend, Russia began granting development assistance in 2004. From the onset of Russia’s commitment, the aid delivered has increased fivefold and reached approximately US$ 500 million in 2010. Russian aid, albeit distributed nearly exclusively via international organisations, has been granted above all to members of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). In recent months work on the establishment of the Russian development assistance system has been accelerated (a national strategy is being prepared and a specialised agency is to be established). This move proves that the Kremlin attaches weight to activity in this area which is an element of soft power politics, the foundations of which Moscow is currently attempting to lay. In its commitment to development co-operation Russia has sought on the one hand to increase its prestige on the international stage and on the other hand to gain another instrument of exerting its ascendancy in the CIS. The scale of aid and the way of delivering it have not made Russia an important global actor. Over the last five years Russia increased the funding allocated to development assistance several times, however, compared to other donors its aid does not appear impressive. The resources dedicated to this end stand at a mere 0.035% of Russian GDP. Unlike other non-Western superpowers such as China or India, Russia is not a competitor for Western countries in this area on the global scale. Nevertheless, within the CIS, Russia’s aid is building the country’s position as a donor. The long-term results of this aid are however being counteracted by the fact that Russia is expecting measurable and direct political and economic benefits in return. Although this policy helps Moscow achieve its objectives in the CIS, it does not develop Russian potential in the sphere of soft power or create a positive image of the country.

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The policy of the European Union (EU) towards Taiwan has mostly been analysed either as a by-product of EU-China relations or with reference to the general lack of a European geopolitical approach towards East Asia. By adopting a lobbying approach which focusses on Taiwan’s different ‘channels of influence’ within the complex European foreign policy system in Brussels, this study provides new insights into the functioning of EU-Taiwan relations. It also sheds new light on the implications of the radical change in Taiwanese diplomacy after 2008, when Chen Shui-bian’s assertive and identity-based diplomacy was replaced with the Kuomintang’s new dogma of ‘workable diplomacy’. Based on semi-guided interviews with Taiwanese and European actors, this paper examines why Taiwanese lobbying in Brussels, albeit very active and professional, is not salient enough to meet the challenges arising from the overwhelming Chinese competition and from the increasing proliferation of regional trade agreements – with active EU participation – in the Asia-Pacific region. It argues that the pragmatic ‘workable diplomacy’ approach, while smoothing out working-level relations between Taiwan and the EU, fails to attract a sufficient degree of political and public attention in Europe to the Taiwan question and thus fosters the neglect of Taiwan by European foreign policy-makers. The main challenge faced by Taiwanese diplomacy, however, is not simply one of convincing through technical arguments, but one of agenda setting, that is, of redefining European priorities in Taiwan’s favour.

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Since gaining its independence Tajikistan has faced severe political, economic and social problems. The last several months has seen a clear increase in their intensity. This is in part caused by the deteriorating economic situation in Russia and the significant fall of remittances from the Tajik labour migrants in Russia, as well as by President Emomali Rahmon’s rising authoritarianism. Despite this intensification, qualitatively speaking Tajikistan’s problems have been unchanged for years. Besides the state’s structural weakness, the main cause is the ongoing neo-colonial dependence on Russia, which effectively limits Dushanbe’s room for political manoeuvre and keep Tajikistan in Russia’s sphere of control. This dependence on the one hand protects the country from collapsing, but on the other it precludes the development of the state, resulting in Tajikistan’s enduring stagnation. Similar processes also take place in other countries of post-Soviet Central Asia. However, in the case of Tajikistan the dependence and stagnation it causes are the strongest and their mechanisms most easily observed.

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Ce mémoire propose d’explorer quel(s) statut(s) sont accordés aux compositeurs contemporains dans le contexte musical parisien des premières années du XXe siècle à travers une analyse de la presse musicale spécialisée de l’époque. Le corpus de notre recherche est constitué de trois revues, chacune ancrée dans des sphères de sociabilités bien distinctes : La Revue musicale (histoire et critique), une « revue savante » proche du milieu de la Schola cantorum ; Le Mercure musical, une « petite revue » d’avant-garde militant en faveur de la musique de Maurice Ravel ; et Musica, une « grande revue » destinée à un lectorat issu de la petite bourgeoisie en plein essor, essentiellement féminin et pratiquant la musique en amateur. Cette étude révèle que la traditionnelle opposition entre la conception du compositeur-artisan et celle du compositeur-génie issue de la fin du XVIIIe siècle et du XIXe siècle voit apparaître un troisième joueur à l’aube du XXe siècle : le compositeur-vedette, un statut qui était jusqu’alors généralement réservé aux interprètes. Ces trois statuts coexistent dans le panorama de la presse musicale du tournant du XXe siècle, et leur promotion par certains organes de presse spécifiques répond à une logique tantôt esthétique, tantôt économique. Il se dégage de cette étude que la presse musicale constitue non seulement un indice des variations qu’a subies la figure du compositeur dans le spectre de la grandeur en culture, mais qu’elle a également joué un rôle actif dans ces transformations.

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Las revistas académico-científicas son uno de los principales canales de comunicación y difusión de los resultados de investigación. Sin embargo no todas tienen el mismo prestigio y grado de influencia en la comunidad científica. De su calidad y visibilidad dependen, en gran medida, las posibilidades de que un trabajo sea conocido, leído y citado. Esta investigación se propone determinar la visibilidad en Google Scholar de un conjunto de revistas latinoamericanas de Bibliotecología y Ciencia de la Información, y clasificarlas según su grado de visibilidad. Utilizando la aplicación Publish or Perish para recuperar las citas de las revistas se calcularon indicadores basados en la citación. Se combinaron técnicas de análisis multivariado de datos para realizar agrupamientos de revistas según su grado de visibilidad, y se elaboraron representaciones gráficas que facilitan la interpretación de los resultados y la identificación de los grupos de revistas con alta, media y baja visibilidad

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The cold upwelling 'tongue' of the eastern equatorial Pacific is a central energetic feature of the ocean, dominating both the mean state and temporal variability of climate in the tropics and beyond. Recent evidence for the development of the modern cold tongue during the Pliocene-Pleistocene transition has been explained as the result of extratropical cooling that drove a shoaling of the thermocline. We have found that the sub-Antarctic and sub-Arctic regions underwent substantial cooling nearly synchronous to the cold tongue development, thereby providing support for this hypothesis. In addition, we show that sub-Antarctic climate changed in its response to Earth's orbital variations, from a subtropical to a subpolar pattern, as expected if cooling shrank the warm-water sphere of the ocean and thus contracted the subtropical gyres.