Risālat al-imkān [microform] /

Title in text: Miftāḥ bāb al-muwajjahāt.

Manāfiʻ al-daqāʾiq fī sharḥ Majāmiʻ al-ḥaqāʾiq li-Muḥammad al-Khādimī [microform].

Caption title.

Kitāb qiṣaṣ al-anbiyāʼ, al-musammā bi-al-ʻarāʼis /

Date on colophon: 1325 [1907]

Moslem schisms and sects = al-Farḳ bain al-firaḳ : being the history of the various philosophic systems developed in Islam /

Includes index.

Hādhihi Ḥāshiyat Nasamāt al-asḥār lil-ʻālim al-ʻallāmah al-ḥabr al-baḥr al-fahhāmah khātimat al-muḥaqqiqīn wa-al-mudaqqiqīn al-Shaykh Muḥammad Ibn ʻĀbidīn ʻalá Sharḥ Ifāḍat al-anwār ʻalá matn Uṣūl al-manār lil-ʻallāmah al-fāḍil wa-al-fahhāmah al-kāmil al-Shaykh Muḥammad ʻAlāy [sic] al-Dīn al-Ḥiṣnī /

Mode of access: Internet.

Islamica.

"Beiband zur 'Asia major'."

Koran : manuscript, [1892-1896].

marginal notes/ examined by M. Zacharia 8/24/89."

Mahommedan law : compiled from the authorities in the original Arabic /

At head of title, v. 2: Personal law of the Mahommedans

Women and the Moral Politics of Dress in Twentieth Century Tehran

This research examines the politicization of women’s clothing under the Pahlavi monarchy and the Islamic Republican of Iran from the 1930s-1990s. I distinctively focus on the governments’ use of women’s clothing to define their idea of Iranian nationalism and how their sumptuary policies affected women’s lives. I assess the motives behind the sumptuary laws for each regime, and argue that both governments situated women as symbols of national health and honor, and used them as visualizations for the success of their platforms. Despite different interpretations of morality, my research suggests that both governments created these laws to “purify” their “corrupt” nation, using the same rhetoric. Paradoxically, this led to a sexualized culture that exists today in Tehran. I analyze a wealth of primary sources including women’s magazines, political cartoons, poetry, newspapers, extant clothing, photographs, legislation, autobiographies, speeches, passports, Revolutionary-era books written by Iranian intellectuals, and oral interviews that I conducted.

ISIS Success in Iraq: A Movement 40 Years in the Making

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Making the 2004 Constitution of Afghanistan: A History and Analysis Through the Lens of Coordination and Deferral Theory

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

Irja' ila Nafsika: Suhraward's apperception of the self in light of Avicenna

Shihāb al-Dīn Suhrawardī (d.687/1191) proposed a theory of apperception that constitutes the core of his “illuminative” epistemology. His theory of apperception purports to account for the soul’s immediate, reflexive, and unmediated knowledge of its own essence. Apperception may be defined as the direct experience the soul has of its essence. A closer examination of the Avicennan tradition (Avicenna died in 420/1037) reveals the existence of a number of arguments for the demonstration of an apperception of the self/soul similar to the arguments Suhrawardī later proposes. Contrary to admitted views, Avicenna had tackled issues related to the soul’s apperception, a type of perception distinct from the soul’s intellection of its essence. Avicenna alluded to the existence of a mode of perception specific to the soul that would guarantee both the soul’s unity and its personal identity. This apperception is defined as an unmediated presence of the soul to itself. These elements recur in Suhrawardī’s theory of apperception and numerous versions of Avicenna’s arguments for the demonstration of the presential nature of apperception

Greetings from the cybercaliphate: some notes on homeland insecurity

One of the paradoxical effects of the 7 July bombings in London was to expose the ambivalence in the British government's attempt to wage war on terror by forcefully prosecuting war against those who resort to jihad abroad, actively participating in coalitions of the wining whether in Afghanistan or Iraq, while affording some of Islamism's key ideologists and strategists a high degree of latitude in the United Kingdom itself. This indicates a number of contradictions in official policy that simultaneously recognizes the globalized threat from violent Islamic militancy while, under the rubric of multiculturalism, tolerating those very strains of Islamist radicalism, some of which draw upon the interdependent and transnational character of conflict, to render the UK vulnerable to those very same violent forces. Consequently, the British authorities displayed a studied indifference towards this developing transnational phenomenon both during the 1990s and in some respects even after the London bombings. To explore the curious character of the government's response to the Islamist threat requires the examination of the emergence of this radical ideological understanding and what it entails as a reaction to modernization and secularism in both thought and practice. The analysis explores how government policies often facilitated the non-negotiable identity politics of those promoting a pure, authentic and regenerated Islamic order both in the UK and abroad. This reflected a profound misunderstanding of the growing source and appeal of radical Islam that can be interpreted as a consequence of the slow-motion collision between modernity in its recent globalized form and an Islamic social character, which renders standard western modernization theory, and indeed, the notion of a 'social science' itself, deeply questionable.