Liver hyperplasia and paradoxical regulation of glycogen metabolism and glucose-sensitive gene expression in GLUT2-null hepatocytes. Further evidence for the existence of a membrane-based glucose release pathway.

We investigated the impact of GLUT2 gene inactivation on the regulation of hepatic glucose metabolism during the fed to fast transition. In control and GLUT2-null mice, fasting was accompanied by a approximately 10-fold increase in plasma glucagon to insulin ratio, a similar activation of liver glycogen phosphorylase and inhibition of glycogen synthase and the same elevation in phosphoenolpyruvate carboxykinase and glucose-6-phosphatase mRNAs. In GLUT2-null mice, mobilization of glycogen stores was, however, strongly impaired. This was correlated with glucose-6-phosphate (G6P) levels, which remained at the fed values, indicating an important allosteric stimulation of glycogen synthase by G6P. These G6P levels were also accompanied by a paradoxical elevation of the mRNAs for L-pyruvate kinase. Re-expression of GLUT2 in liver corrected the abnormal regulation of glycogen and L-pyruvate kinase gene expression. Interestingly, GLUT2-null livers were hyperplasic, as revealed by a 40% increase in liver mass and 30% increase in liver DNA content. Together, these data indicate that in the absence of GLUT2, the G6P levels cannot decrease during a fasting period. This may be due to neosynthesized glucose entering the cytosol, being unable to diffuse into the extracellular space, and being phosphorylated back to G6P. Because hepatic glucose production is nevertheless quantitatively normal, glucose produced in the endoplasmic reticulum may also be exported out of the cell through an alternative, membrane traffic-based pathway, as previously reported (Guillam, M.-T., Burcelin, R., and Thorens, B. (1998) Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U. S. A. 95, 12317-12321). Therefore, in fasting, GLUT2 is not required for quantitative normal glucose output but is necessary to equilibrate cytosolic glucose with the extracellular space. In the absence of this equilibration, the control of hepatic glucose metabolism by G6P is dominant over that by plasma hormone concentrations.

Decentralization, happiness and the perception of institutions

This paper analyses whether the different powers and resources at the disposal of local and regional governments across Europe deliver greater satisfaction with political institutions and lead to greater personal happiness. The analysis uses microdata from the four available waves of the European social survey (2002, 2004, 2006 and 2008), including more than 160,000 observations of individuals living in 29 European countries. Our results reveal that political and fiscal decentralization have a positive and significant effect on individuals’ overall happiness. Fiscal decentralization also exerts a significant effect on the level of satisfaction with political and economic institutions and with the education and health systems, whereas the effect of political decentralization on these variables is more limited. The results show that citizens seem to be happier with the actual capacity of their local governments to deliver than with the general principle that they can have a say on their daily politics and policies. Keywords: Happiness, well-being, satisfaction, fiscal and political decentralization, Europe. JEL codes: H11, H77

Más allá de una distinción dicotómica del apoyo a la democracia: diversos perfiles de no demócratas

El apoyo ciudadano a la democracia constituye un requisito fundamental de los modernos regímenes democráticos, tanto respecto de su estabilidad y consolidación como de la calidad de su funcionamiento. En este marco, la legitimidad democrática pertenece a la dimensión de creencias ciudadanas respecto de que la democracia y sus instituciones son las más apropiadas (de hecho, las únicas aceptables) como régimen de gobierno. Sin perjuicio de lo anterior, no todos los ciudadanos expresan este conjunto de actitudes positivas hacia el régimen democrático. En gran parte de las nuevas democracias un número considerable de personas o bien no entregan un apoyo abierto a la democracia o, expresan actitudes contradictorias hacia los regímenes democráticos. Este grupo de individuos ha sido normalmente tratado por la literatura como un solo grupo homogéneo, que responde sin más consideraciones a la etiqueta de “no demócratas”. Sin embargo, tal como esta investigación pretende demostrar, existen razones teóricas y empíricas para esperar que no haya un único perfil de ciudadanos que no apoya la democracia. Por el contrario, sería posible encontrar y analizar diversos perfiles de “no demócratas”, que explican sus diferencias de acuerdo a distintas objeciones hacia la democracia. Esto es, las razones que se tienen para no entregar un apoyo difuso a la democracia no serían las mismas en todos los casos. De esta forma se derivan las siguientes preguntas de investigación: ¿Cuáles son los argumentos teóricos y empíricos que permiten distinguir diversos tipos de “no demócratas”? ¿Cuáles son las distintas objeciones hacia la democracia (razones) que configuran estos perfiles diversos? Sin embargo, no basta con responder sólo a estas preguntas. Es necesario avanzar en esta línea argumental, preguntándose respecto de la relevancia de distinguir distintos perfiles de “no demócratas”. Así, surge una tercera pregunta: ¿Bajo qué circunstancias tiene relevancia efectuar una distinción entre quienes no apoyan la democracia?

Medinas, súbditos y simbología del poder en el norte de Marruecos

La investigació vol identificar i analitzar les manifestacions, icones i estratègies utilitzades pel poder polític al Marroc per a ressaltar la seva presència pública i social en alguns espais urbans de les ciutats, en particular a Tetuan. La utilització d'una determinada simbologia i l'ocupació o apropiació d'espais urbans per part del poder polític (sobretot monarquia i govern) possiblement representa una estratègia de presència pública i transmet explícitament o implícitament certs valors i missatges relacionats amb el poder.

The HBSC Ireland Trends Report 1998 - 2010

The HBSC is a cross-sectional study conducted in collaboration with the World Health Organization (WHO) Regional Office for Europe. It runs every 4 years and in 2010 there were 43 participating countries and regions collecting data on the health behaviours, health outcomes and contexts of children̢?Ts lives. The Irish survey has been carried out by the Health Promotion Research Centre, NUI Galway since 1998 and brings together all the data (relating to almost 40,000 Irish children) collected over this period to examine the key trends and patterns between 1998 and 2010. In terms of risky behaviour, the survey reports that in 2010 12% of Irish children said they were smoking compared to 21% in 1998. 28% reported that they had been drunk compared to 29% in 1998. 8% reported that they had used cannabis compared to 10% in 1998. In terms of positive behaviour, seat-belt wearing rates have doubled (82%) amongst children since 1998 and 33% reported that their health was excellent compared to 28% in 1998. High rates of life satisfaction (76%) and reported happiness (91%) continue. Click here to download The HBSC Ireland Trends Report 1998 Р2010 PDF 958KB

An Inquiry into the use of illegal electoral practices and effects of political violence

This article investigates whether vote-buying and the instigation of violence in the disputed 2007 Kenyan elections were strategically motivated, and whether those affected by electoral violence changed their views towards ethno-politics and the use of violence. To answer these questions, a panel survey conducted before and after the elections is combined with external indicators of electoral violence. We find that political parties targeted vote-buying towards specific groups to weaken the support of their political rivals and to mobilize their own supporters. Furthermore, parties instigated violence strategically in areas where they were less likely to win. Although the victims of violence would prefer that parties are no longer allowed to organize in ethnic or religious lines, they are more likely to identify in ethnic terms, support the use of violence and avoid relying on the police to resolve disputes. The overall findings suggest an increased risk of electoral-violence reoccurring.

The Decision on Turkish EU accession in December 2002: The logic of anarchy, collective action problems and rhetorical action

Studies of the EU accession of the East and Central European Countries have stressed the importance of neo-liberal institutionalism as an explanation for Member State preferences. In this paper it is argued that Member States’ preferences over Turkish EU accession are better explained by power politics and neo-realism. It seems therefore that Turkey’s way to the EU follows another path than the East and Central Countries. Turkish accession raises the question of the EU’s role in a uni-polar world order – whether the EU should develop into an independent actor on the world stage or not. However, when it comes to the interaction among the Member States in order to decide on when to open accession negotiations with Turkey the constitutive values of the EU seriously modify the outcome that pure power politics would have let to.

Transhepatic ipsilateral right portal vein embolization extended to segment IV: improving hypertrophy and resection outcomes with spherical particles and coils.

PURPOSE: To analyze outcomes after right portal vein embolization extended to segment IV (right PVE + IV) before extended right hepatectomy, including liver hypertrophy, resection rates, and complications after embolization and resection, and to assess differences in outcomes with two different particulate embolic agents. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Between 1998 and 2004, transhepatic ipsilateral right PVE + IV with particles and coils was performed in 44 patients with malignant hepatobiliary disease, including metastases (n = 24), biliary cancer (n = 14), and hepatocellular carcinoma (n = 6). Right PVE + IV was considered if the future liver remnant (FLR; segments II/III with or without I) was less than 25% of the total estimated liver volume (TELV). Tris-acryl microspheres (100-700 microm; n = 21) or polyvinyl alcohol (PVA) particles (355-1,000 microm; n = 23) were administered in a stepwise fashion. Smaller particles were used to occlude distal branches, followed by larger particles to occlude proximal branches until near-complete stasis. Coils were then placed in secondary portal branches. Computed tomographic volumetry was performed before and 3-4 weeks after right PVE + IV to assess FLR hypertrophy. Liver volumes and postembolization and postoperative outcomes were measured. RESULTS: After right PVE + IV with PVA particles, FLR volume increased 45.5% +/- 40.9% and FLR/TELV ratio increased 6.9% +/- 5.6%. After right PVE + IV with tris-acryl microspheres, FLR volume increased 69.0% +/- 30.7% and FLR/TELV ratio increased 9.7% +/- 3.3%. Differences in FLR volume (P = .0011), FLR/TELV ratio (P = .027), and resection rates (P = .02) were statistically significant. Seventy-one percent of patients underwent extended right hepatectomy (86% after receiving tris-acryl microspheres, 57% after receiving PVA). Thirteen patients (29%) did not undergo resection (extrahepatic spread [n = 9], inadequate hypertrophy [n = 3], other reasons [n = 1]). No patient developed postembolization syndrome or progressive liver insufficiency after embolization or resection. One death after resection occurred as a result of sepsis and hemorrhage. Median hospital stays were 1 day after right PVE + IV and 7 days after resection. CONCLUSION: Transhepatic ipsilateral right PVE + IV with use of particles and coils is a safe, effective method for inducing contralateral hypertrophy before extended right hepatectomy. Embolization with small spherical particles provides improved hypertrophy and resection rates compared with larger, nonspherical particles.

Turnout, political preferences and information: Experimental evidence from Perú

Electoral institutions that encourage citizens to vote are widely used around the world. Yet littleis known about the effects of such institutions on voter participation and the composition of the electorate.In this paper, I combine a field experiment with a change in Peruvian voting laws to identify theeffect of monetary (dis-)incentives on voting. Using the random variation in the fine for abstention andan objective measure of turnout at the individual level, I estimate the elasticity of voting with respectto cost to be -0.21. Consistent with the theoretical model presented, the reduction in turnout inducedby the reduction in the fine is driven by voters who (i) are in the center of the political spectrum, (ii)are less interested in politics, and (iii) hold less political information. However, voters who respondto changes in the cost of abstention do not have different preferences for policies than those who voteregardless of the cost. Further, involvement in politics, as measured by the decision to acquire politicalinformation, seems to be independent of the level of the fine. Additional results indicate that thereduction in the fine does not affect the incidence of vote buying, but increases the price paid for avote.

Sources and propagation of international cycles: Common shocks or transmission?

This paper studies the generation and transmission of international cycles in a multi-country model with production and consumption interdependencies. Two sources of disturbance are considered and three channels of propagation are compared. In the short run the contemporaneous correlation of disturbances determines the main features of the transmission. In the medium run production interdependencies account for the transmission of technology shocks and consumption interdependencies account for the transmission of government shocks. Technology disturbances, which are mildly correlated across countries, are more successful than government expenditure disturbances in reproducing actual data. The model also accounts for the low cross country consumption correlations observed in the data.