943 resultados para Tourism of war
Resumo:
A Guerra Colonial assombrou a sociedade Portuguesa, durante mais de 10 anos. Durante esse tempo, milhares de jovens soldados foram obrigados fazer parte dessa Luta. Grande parte deles desenvolvera a Perturbação de Stress Pós-Traumático, com a qual ainda hoje vivem. A presente Investigação pretendeu descrever e compreender as Vivências das Esposas de Ex-Combatentes diagnosticados com a Perturbação de Stress Pós-Traumático, utilizando uma abordagem Qualitativa de Orientação Fenomenológica. Através deste Método, pretendeu-se conhecer a globalidade do Fenómeno, de uma forma compreensiva. Foram entrevistadas quatro Esposas que vivem de perto com este problema, as quais revelaram informações importantes para a Investigação. Desta maneira, foram recolhidos dados acerca da Infância e Adolescência, Casamento, Doença do Marido e Perspectivas de Futuro, destas Mulheres. Entre outras conclusões, destacamos a emergência de significações existenciais para estas Mulheres e o facto de esta doença ter influência a nível social, pessoal, familiar e económico. Além disso, as inúmeras estratégias de coping relatadas, demonstraram ser uma mais-valia na forma como estas esposas lidam com a doença dos Maridos. Desta maneira compreendeu-se o fenómeno de uma forma holística, o que forneceu dados importantes para entender o que estas Mulheres vivenciam diariamente, tal como uma melhor compreensão do estado Psicológico destas Esposas e dos Maridos. / The Colonial War haunted the Portuguese society, for over 10 years. During that time, thousands of young soldiers were forced to be part of that fight. Most of them developed Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, which they still live with. This research aims to describe and understand the Experiences of War Veterans’ Wives, whose husbands were diagnosed with the Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder, using the qualitative method and phenomenological orientation. Through this method, we meant to understand the whole phenomenon in a comprehensive manner. We interviewed four Wives who live closely with this problem, which revealed important information for the investigation. Therefore, we collected data on Childhood and Adolescence, Marriage, Husband’s Disease and Future Prospects, of those Women’s. Among other findings, we highlight the emergence of existential meaning for these Women’s and the fact that this disease influences their lives on social, personal, familial and financial issues. Moreover, the many coping strategies reported, have proven an asset in the way this Wives deal with their husbands illness. Thus it was understood the phenomenon in a holistic way, which provided important information to understand what these Women’s live daily as a better understanding of the psychological state of Husbands and Wives.
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This chapter provides a wide-ranging account of theatre in Birmingham, the UK’s second largest city. As a vital centre for the production of mass armaments and vehicles essential for the war effort, Birmingham was home to a rapidly expanding and socially diverse population. I show how theatres overcame wartime constraints to reflect that diversity with examples drawn from the popular entertainment provided by the city’s music halls, variety and melodrama theatres contrasted with the more decorous touring plays, musicals and spectacular home-grown pantomimes enjoyed at the prestigious Theatre Royal and Prince of Wales. The dogged attempts by the recently-established Birmingham Repertory Theatre to sustain an artistically and intellectually ambitious programme of new and classic drama also reveal a more complex response to the effects of war.
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Análisis de la tragedia legendaria en tres actos publicada en 1962 por el dramaturgo francés Jean Geschwin, en la que, a partir de una original recreación del mito de Progne y Filomela, se expresa la preocupación y el desasosiego provocados por las dos décadas de sangrientos conflictos bélicos casi ininterrumpidos que estaban desgarrando a Francia.
Resumo:
Les élections post-conflit ou élections de sortie de crise organisées sous l’égide de la communauté internationale en vue de rétablir la paix dans les pays sortant de violents conflits armés ont un bilan mixte caractérisé par le succès ou l’échec selon les cas. Ce bilan mitigé représente le problème principal auquel cette recherche tente de répondre à travers les questions suivantes : l’assistance électorale étrangère est-elle efficace comme outil de rétablissement de la paix dans les sociétés post-conflit? Qu’est ce qui détermine le succès ou l’échec des élections post-conflit à contribuer efficacement au rétablissement de la paix dans les sociétés déchirées par la guerre? Pour résoudre cette problématique, cette thèse développe une théorie de l’assistance électorale en période post-conflit centrée sur les parties prenantes à la fois du conflit armé et du processus électoral. Cette théorie affirme que l’élément clé pour le succès des élections post-conflit dans le rétablissement de la paix est le renforcement de la capacité de négociation des parties prenantes à la fois dans le processus de paix et dans le processus électoral post-conflit. Dans les situations post-conflit, une assistance électorale qui se voudrait complète et efficace devra combiner à la fois le processus électoral et le processus de paix. L’assistance électorale sera inefficace si elle se concentre uniquement sur les aspects techniques du processus électoral visant à garantir des élections libres, transparentes et équitables. Pour être efficace, l’accent devra également être mis sur les facteurs supplémentaires qui peuvent empêcher la récurrence de la guerre, tels que l’habilité des individus et des groupes à négocier et à faire des compromis sur les grandes questions qui peuvent menacer le processus de paix. De fait, même des élections transparentes comme celles de 1997 au Liberia saluées par la communauté internationale n’avaient pas réussi à établir des conditions suffisantes pour éviter la reprise des hostilités. C’est pourquoi, pour être efficace, l’assistance électorale dans les situations de post-conflit doit prendre une approche globale qui priorise l’éducation civique, la sensibilisation sur les droits et responsabilités des citoyens dans une société démocratique, le débat public sur les questions qui divisent, la participation politique, la formation au dialogue politique, et toute autre activité qui pourrait aider les différentes parties à renforcer leur capacité de négociation et de compromis. Une telle assistance électorale fera une contribution à la consolidation de la paix, même dans le contexte des élections imparfaites, comme celles qui se sont détenues en Sierra Leone en 2002 ou au Libéria en 2005. Bien que la littérature sur l’assistance électorale n’ignore guère l’importance des parties prenantes aux processus électoraux post-conflit (K. Kumar, 1998, 2005), elle a fortement mis l’accent sur les mécanismes institutionnels. En effet, la recherche académique et professionnelle est abondante sur la réforme des lois électorales, la reforme constitutionnelle, et le développement des administrations électorales tels que les commissions électorales, ainsi que l’observation électorale et autres mécanismes de prévention de la fraude électorale, etc. (Carothers & Gloppen, 2007). En d’autres termes, les décideurs et les chercheurs ont attribué jusqu’à présent plus d’importance à la conception et au fonctionnement du cadre institutionnel et des procédures électorales. Cette thèse affirme qu’il est désormais temps de prendre en compte les participants eux-mêmes au processus électoral à travers des types d’assistance électorale qui favoriseraient leur capacité à participer à un débat pacifique et à trouver des compromis aux questions litigieuses. Cette approche plus globale de l’assistance électorale qui replace l’élection post-conflit dans le contexte plus englobant du processus de paix a l’avantage de transformer le processus électoral non pas seulement en une expérience d’élection de dirigeants légitimes, mais aussi, et surtout, en un processus au cours duquel les participants apprennent à régler leurs points de vue contradictoires à travers le débat politique dans un cadre institutionnel avec des moyens légaux et légitimes. Car, si le cadre institutionnel électoral est important, il reste que le résultat du processus électoral dépendra essentiellement de la volonté des participants à se conformer au cadre institutionnel et aux règles électorales.
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Considering that urban interventions, planned and executed recently at Natal, RN, should put Ribeira - one of the town centers - in the new limits of the expanded center of the city, this work examines the use of this new accessibility for the benefit of the development of an infrastructure to support a type of tourism currently seen as an alternative to diversification into areas dominated by entertainment tourism (the case of Natal). A local with city's traditional cultural facilities and holder of a set built that is a synthesis of the images of the neighborhood, it fears that this increase in the potential for movement and flows of use stimulate speculation and deployment of a bulk type of activity incompatible with the preservation the architectural heritage. Important economy for the city, tourism has been showing a factor propellant processing urban related changes in accessibility. It is argued that cultural tourism, often used in plans and projects of revitalization across the country, may be factor for sustainable development and conserve the assets, and contributes to the process of revitalization of the historic cultural center as Ribeira. Intended to illustrate the need to consider other information that might help in the revitalization of the neighborhood, this research presents the offer cultural tourism of Ribeira and identifies and maps certain physical attributes that, combined with functional attributes, can stimulate or inhibit the diversity and vitality in the region
Resumo:
O objetivo principal desta dissertação é relacionar o enoturismo com o maior mercado emissor de turistas do mundo – a China, nomeadamente no que diz respeito às potencialidades de Portugal como destino enoturístico para este mercado. Para o efeito, estruturou-se o trabalho de forma a dedicar um capítulo à caracterização do enoturismo, um segundo capítulo à caracterização do mercado emissor de turistas chinês com destaque para a caracterização do enoturismo na China e do enoturista chinês. Reservou-se um terceiro capítulo para proceder à caracterização de Portugal como destino de enoturismo, fazendo a caracterização da oferta e da procura, com particular enfoque para a procura chinesa. A metodologia de pesquisa desta dissertação assentou em revisão bibliográfica e na análise de dados fornecidos por fontes secundárias e terciárias, como estudos já conduzidos sobre o tema ou temas relacionados e dados quantitativos recolhidos junto das principais instituições nacionais e internacionais de referência. Apresentou-se a caracterização do enoturismo, em termos concetuais, mas sobretudo no contexto dos seus principais mercados de oferta. Com base na análise da oferta nestes mercados procedeu-se à recolha e apresentação de uma série de boas práticas internacionais, tanto no que toca ao enoturismo, como no que diz respeito a iniciativas de captação do turismo emissor chinês. Procedeu-se à caracterização do desenvolvimento do turismo emissor na China, da realidade do enoturismo na China e construiu-se um perfil do enoturista chinês.
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A collaboration between dot.rural at the University of Aberdeen and the iSchool at Northumbria University, POWkist is a pilot-study exploring potential usages of currently available linked datasets within the cultural heritage domain. Many privately-held family history collections (shoebox archives) remain vulnerable unless a sustainable, affordable and accessible model of citizen-archivist digital preservation can be offered. Citizen-historians have used the web as a platform to preserve cultural heritage, however with no accessible or sustainable model these digital footprints have been ad hoc and rarely connected to broader historical research. Similarly, current approaches to connecting material on the web by exploiting linked datasets do not take into account the data characteristics of the cultural heritage domain. Funded by Semantic Media, the POWKist project is investigating how best to capture, curate, connect and present the contents of citizen-historians’ shoebox archives in an accessible and sustainable online collection. Using the Curios platform - an open-source digital archive - we have digitised a collection relating to a prisoner of war during WWII (1939-1945). Following a series of user group workshops, POWkist is now connecting these ‘made digital’ items with the broader web using a semantic technology model and identifying appropriate linked datasets of relevant content such as DBPedia (an archived linked dataset of Wikipedia) and Ordnance Survey Open Data. We are analysing the characteristics of cultural heritage linked datasets, so that these materials are better visualised, contextualised and presented in an attractive and comprehensive user interface. Our paper will consider the issues we have identified, the solutions we are developing and include a demonstration of our work-in-progress.
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El propósito de este artículo es presentar una visión personal de algunos temas fundamentales de la filosofía política a través de la selección de textos cuya autoría es ajena. A partir de los cuales se perfila una concepción teórica de talante libertario desde la que se empieza por plantear la naturaleza de la filosofía para terminar considerando el problema de la guerra.
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This thesis examines the relationship between photography and sociology as offering complementary ways of understanding ourselves and the world we live in. Drawing from the work of Pierre Bourdieu and Raymond Williams, I examine the idea of a ‘field’ of photography within the field of cultural production more generally. The practises of documentary photography, photojournalism and fine art photography are explored with specific reference to images of war. In this arena, the politics, aesthetics and ethics of representing the body in pain are addressed.
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Nowadays language communication plays an important role in the world. For the technological explosion in the 20th century, the electronic mass media collapsed space and time barriers in human communication, enabling people to interact and live on a global scale. In this sense, the earth has been turned into a village by the electronic mass media. It not only changes the distance between countries, societies, but also shortens it between people. It means that the technological advancement makes the earth become a village. Since the distance between people is shortened, language communication becomes more important than before. To enhance language abilities, people can apply many different types of language learning strategies according to the learning styles that they have in order to learn the target language. In the Foreign Language Department of University of El Salvador Seminar students year 2006 apply different language learning strategies which make some of them get a grade either above eight or below it. To understand learning strategies, people can go back to basic term, strategy. This word comes from the ancient Greek term strategia meaning generalship or the art of war. A different, but related, word is tactics, which are tools to achieve the success of strategies. The two expressions share some basic implied characteristics: planning, competition, conscious manipulation, and movement toward a goal.
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We have reconstituted a simple in vitro system using only mammalian dynein and mammalian kinesin attached to a single cargo. These cargoes undergo saltatory motion typically seen in vivo, indicating that the motors engage in a tug-of-war. When the complex hits a barrier, the cargo often reverses direction. In some cases, it tries several up-and-back motions, during which time the dynein likely pulls the cargo onto a different protofilament, and is sometimes able to bypass the blockage. This explains why eliminating kinesin or dynein stops motion in both directions in vivo. We also find that mammalian dynein, but not kinesin, often takes backwards steps when under backward force. However, yeast dynein coupled with mammalian kinesin does not display these attributes, as expected.
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The book collects the Papers (from Europe, Asia and Latin America) presented at the Workshop organized by the ICOMOS International Committee in Historic Towns and Villages (CIVVIH) and by ICOMOS Italy in Palazzo Coppini (branch of Fondazione Romualdo del Bianco) in Florence (March 3-4, 2016) and focus on the comparison of different propositions of digital urban signage to realize a good quality of the “visit experience” in the historical towns, not only as urban marketing, but of a authenticity genuine culture. The urban culture founded on the identity and authenticity of every historical towns and their multilayered history must be the objective of an tourism of culture for the inhabitants and the visitors. The book focused its interest on the outstanding existing urban assets in Europe, Asia and Latin America, and heritage not sufficiently promoted.
Resumo:
A presente dissertação é circunscrita no espaço e no tempo, tendo como objecto de estudo fundamental o concelho de Setúbal durante a I Guerra Mundial (1914-1918). Enquadrando historicamente os impactos do conflito no contexto nacional, Setúbal é revisitada entre os finais de oitocentos e os primórdios do século XX a fim de retratar política, económica, social e culturalmente um dos maiores centros urbanos portugueses dos finais da Monarquia Constitucional e do início da I República. Numa lógica de impactos políticos e económico-sociais, esta investigação promove o redescobrir das vivências quotidianas de Setúbal durante um dos períodos mais negros da História da Humanidade. Através do estudo dos mecanismos de acção e intervenção municipais, bem como dos resultados eleitorais e dinâmicas políticopartidárias locais, transmite-se como foram vividos acontecimentos marcantes da vida pública de Portugal, nomeadamente o 14 de Maio de 1915 e o coup d’état sidonista, realçando como dimensões operárias anárquicas e sindicalistas conviviam com grupos conservadores, católicos e monárquicos. Num plano de economia de guerra, o mundo agrícola é abordado em diferentes sectores, nomeadamente na laranja, na cortiça e nos vinhos, dando maior atenção às questões relacionadas com a decadência da fruta e à abertura de novos mercados exportadores, como o Brasil, pela Casa José Maria da Fonseca. A indústria de conservas de peixe, que viveu um boom neste período como resultado da intensa procura externa dos países aliados que tinham nas latas de conserva o alimento das tropas nas trincheiras, representa outro foco de análise deste trabalho. Consequentemente aborda-se o papel da estrutura portuária local na resposta às necessidades de consumo britânicas, francesas e italianas. Por fim, os impactos sociais do conflito em Setúbal constituem um dos enunciados desta investigação, compreendendo como o estudo de uma imprensa dividida na questão intervencionismo versus anti-intervencionismo reflectiu um concelho que viveu como poucos a crise de abastecimentos e a carestia de vida. A proliferação de greves, manifestações contra a guerra, as deserções militares e os assaltos colectivos representam o culminar de um vulcão que entrou em erupção e que ainda sofreu as agruras da epidemia da gripe pneumónica até ao final do ano de 1918.
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State responses to external threats and aggression are studied with focus on two different rationales: (1) to make credible deterrent threats to avoid being exploited, and (2) to minimize the risk of escalation to unwanted war. Given external aggression, the target state's responding behavior has three possibilities: concession (under-response), reciprocation, and escalation. This study focuses on the first two possibilities and investigates how the strategic nature of crisis interaction can explain the intentional choice of concession or avoidance of retaliation. I build a two-level bargaining model that accounts for the domestic bargaining situation between the leader and the challenger for each state. The model's equilibrium shows that the responding behavior is determined not only by inter-state level variables (e.g. balance of power between two states, or cost of war that each state is supposed to pay), but also the domestic variables of both states. Next, the strategic interaction is rationally explained by the model: as the responding state believes that the initiating state has strong domestic challenges and, hence, the aggression is believed to be initiated for domestic political purposes (a rally-around-the-flag effect), the response tends to decrease. The concession is also predicted if the target state leader has strong bargaining power against her domestic challengers \emph{and} she believes that the initiating leader suffers from weak domestic standing. To test the model's prediction, I conduct a lab experiment and case studies. The experimental result shows that under an incentivized bargaining situation, individual actors are observed to react to hostile action as the model predicts: if the opponent is believed to suffer from internally driven difficulties, the subject will not punish hostile behavior of the other player as severely as she would without such a belief. The experiment also provides supporting evidence for the choice of concession: when the player finds herself in a favorable situation while the other has disadvantages, the player is more likely to make concessions in the controlled dictator game. Two cases are examined to discuss how the model can explain the choice of either reciprocation or concession. From personal interviews and fieldwork in South Korea, I find that South Korea's reciprocating behavior during the 2010 Yeonpyeong Island incident is explained by a combination of `low domestic power of initiating leader (Kim Jong-il)' and `low domestic power of responding leader (Lee Myung-bak).' On the other hand, the case of EC-121 is understood as a non-response or concession outcome. Declassified documents show that Nixon and his key advisors interpreted the attack as a result of North Korea's domestic political instabilities (low domestic power of initiating leader) and that Nixon did not have difficulties at domestic politics during the first few months of his presidency (high domestic power of responding leader).