"Our kith and kin"?:Sri Lankan Tamil refugees and the ethnonationalist parties of Tamil Nadu

This article explains the impact of substate nationalism on the political dynamic surrounding ethnic kin migration through a case study of Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in the southern Indian State of Tamil Nadu. Examples drawn from the migration studies literature identify ethnic kinship between refugees and host as an indicator of favorable reception and assistance. While this expectation is borne out to an extent in the Tamil Nadu case, it is tempered by a period of hostility following the 1991 assassination of former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi by an LTTE suicide bomber, when the refugees were figured as a disruptive and dangerous presence by Tamil Nadu's political elites. A version of the "triadic nexus" model of kin state relations, reconfigured to accommodate the larger political unit within which the substate nationalism is incorporated, is proposed as a framework of analysis for these events. This can better account for Tamil Nadu's substate ethnonationalist elite's movement between expressions of coethnic solidarity with the refugees and the more hostile, security-focused response postassassination. © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.

Exploration of metaphors used by Indonesian legislators and political elites in the Indonesian sociopolitical domain

This thesis examines the ways Indonesian politicians exploit the rhetorical power of metaphors in the Indonesian political discourse. The research applies the Conceptual Metaphor Theory, Metaphorical Frame Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis to textual and oral data. The corpus comprises: 150 political news articles from two newspapers (Harian Kompas and Harian Waspada, 2010-2011 edition), 30 recordings of two television news and talk-show programmes (TV-One and Metro-TV), and 20 interviews with four legislators, two educated persons and two laymen. For this study, a corpus of written bahasa Indonesia was also compiled, which comprises 150 texts of approximately 439,472 tokens. The data analysis shows the potential power of metaphors in relation to how politicians communicate the results of their thinking, reasoning and meaning-making through language and discourse and its social consequences. The data analysis firstly revealed 1155 metaphors. These metaphors were then classified into the categories of conventional metaphor, cognitive function of metaphor, metaphorical mapping and metaphor variation. The degree of conventionality of metaphors is established based on the sum of expressions in each group of metaphors. Secondly, the analysis revealed that metaphor variation is influenced by the broader Indonesian cultural context and the natural and physical environment, such as the social dimension, the regional, style and the individual. The mapping system of metaphor is unidirectionality. Thirdly, the data show that metaphoric thought pervades political discourse in relation to its uses as: (1) a felicitous tool for the rhetoric of political leaders, (2) part of meaning-making that keeps the discourse contexts alive and active, and (3) the degree to which metaphor and discourse shape the conceptual structures of politicians‟ rhetoric. Fourthly, the analysis of data revealed that the Indonesian political discourse attempts to create both distance and solidarity towards general and specific social categories accomplished via metaphorical and frame references to the conceptualisations of us/them. The result of the analysis shows that metaphor and frame are excellent indicators of the us/them categories which work dialectically in the discourse. The acts of categorisation via metaphors and frames at both textual and conceptual level activate asymmetrical concepts and contribute to social and political hierarchical constructs, i.e. WEAKNESS vs.POWER, STUDENT vs. TEACHER, GHOST vs. CHOSEN WARRIOR, and so on. This analysis underscores the dynamic nature of categories by documenting metaphorical transfers between, i.e. ENEMY, DISEASE, BUSINESS, MYSTERIOUS OBJECT and CORRUPTION, LAW, POLITICS and CASE. The metaphorical transfers showed that politicians try to dictate how they categorise each other in order to mobilise audiences to act on behalf of their ideologies and to create distance and solidarity.

Contesting labour internationalism:the "old" trapped in the "new" in Volkswagen’s South African plant

During the 1970s and 1980s, close linkages were established between unionists in Volkswagen's Uitenhage plant in South Africa and Wolfsburg in Germany. The ensuing relationship resulted in trade union internationalism and solidarity with South African workers in their struggle against apartheid. After the insertion of the South African plant into the global production networks of the company, a range of new pressures and challenges confronted the union in South Africa. This resulted in the mass dismissal in 2000. In an attempt to garner international support and solidarity, the dismissed workers tapped into existing structures with no success, illustrating the reconfiguration of trade union internationalism away from worker interests to those of the unions and company. © 2010 UALE.

Hyphenated cultures: Ethnicity and nation in Trinidad

This dissertation attempts to unravel why and how postcolonial Trinidad has displayed relative stability in spite of the presence of the factors that have produced conflict and instability in other postcolonial societies.^ Trinidad's distinctive social formation began in the colonial period with a unique politics of culture among the landowning European groups, Anglican English and French Creole. Contrary to the materialist assumption of landowners' class solidarity, the development of Trinidad's plantation economy into two crops, each controlled by a separate European ethno-religious faction, impeded the integration and subsequent ideological domination of European-Christians. Throughout the nineteenth century neither group dominated the other, nor did they fuse into a single ruling class. The dynamics between them both generated recurring conflict while simultaneously creating mechanisms that limited conflict. ^ Based on original in-depth fieldwork and historical analysis, the dissertation proceeds to demonstrate that Trinidad's unique intra-class conflict within the dominant European population has produced hyphenated, as opposed to hybridized cultural elements. Supplementing the historical analysis with empirical examinations of contemporary inter-religious rituals and post-colonial politics this dissertation argues that social integration is inseparable from the question of inter-cultural mixture or articulation. In Trinidad, however, the resulting combination of distinct cultural elements is neither a "plural society" (M.G. Smith 1965; Despres 1967) nor an integrated totality in the structural-functionalistic sense (R.T. Smith 1962; Braithwaite 1967). Moreover, Trinidad does not conform to the post-structural framework's depiction of the social linkage between power and culture. The concept of cultural hybridization is equally misleading in the case of Trinidad. The underlying assumption of a monolithic European population's cultural hegemony and post-structural analysis's almost exclusive focus on the inter -class politics of culture seriously misrepresent and misunderstand Trinidadian cultural and its associated social and political relations. The dissertation examines this reflexive influence of culture not as an instrument of the powerful few but as an autonomous force that reproduces social divisions, yet restrains conflict.^

"To hold the world in contempt": The British Empire, war, and the Irish and Indian nationalist press, 1899–1914

The era between the close of the nineteenth century and the onset of the First World War witnessed a marked increase in radical agitation among Indian and Irish nationalists. The most outspoken political leaders of the day founded a series of widely circulated newspapers in India and Ireland, placing these editors in the enviable position of both reporting and creating the news. Nationalist journalists were in the vanguard of those pressing vocally for an independent India and Ireland, and together constituted an increasingly problematic contingent for the British Empire. The advanced-nationalist press in Ireland and the nationalist press in India took the lead in facilitating the exchange of provocative ideas--raising awareness of perceived imperial injustices, offering strategic advice, and cementing international solidarity. Irish and Indian press coverage of Britain's imperial wars constituted one of the premier weapons in the nationalists' arsenal, permitting them to build support for their ideology and forward their agenda in a manner both rapid and definitive. Directing their readers' attention to conflicts overseas proved instructive in how the Empire dealt with those who resisted its policies, and also showcased how it conducted its affairs with its allies. As such, critical press coverage of the Boxer Rebellion, Boer War, Russo-Japanese War, and World War I bred disaffection for the Empire, while attempts by the Empire to suppress the critiques further alienated the public. This dissertation offers the first comparative analysis of the major nationalist press organs in India and Ireland, using the prism of war to illustrate the increasingly persuasive role of the press in promoting resistance to the Empire. It focuses on how the leading Indian and Irish editors not only fostered a nationalist agenda within their own countries, but also worked in concert to construct a global anti-imperialist platform. By highlighting the anti-imperial rhetoric of the nationalist press in India and Ireland and illuminating their strategies for attaining self-government, this study deepens understanding of the seeds of nationalism, making a contribution to comparative imperial scholarship, and demonstrating the power of the media to alter imperial dynamics and effect political change.

Social Movement Unionism or Social Justice Unionism? Disentangling Theoretical Confusion within the Global Labor Movement

After the election of John Sweeney as President of the AFL-CIO in October 1995, activists and supportive intellectuals in the United States began thinking about how to revitalize the almost moribund American labor movement. A key part of this literature has revolved around the concept of “social movement unionism.” This term touched a nerve, and has garnered widespread usage in North America over the past two decades. However, most researchers using this term have no idea that it was initially developed to understand the new unionism developed by members of specific labor movements in Brazil, the Philippines and South Africa, a type of unionism qualitatively different from that found in North America. This paper argues that the term “social movement unionism” should be confined only to labor organizations developing the same type of unionism, wherever in the world such should be found. Accordingly, this concept should not be utilized in North America today as there are no labor centers or unions present that are developing this type of trade unionism. It is important to clarify this confusion because it is leads to incorrect understandings and miscommunication. Accordingly, the current situation—whereby the same term is used to refer to two qualitatively different social phenomena —theoretically works against efforts to build global labor solidarity. What about the progressive, broad-scope unionism emerging in North America over the past two decades? Taking a page from labor history, this article argues that the proper precedent is progressive unionism developed by the United Packinghouse Workers of America, CIO, and others, and therefore should be referred to as “social justice unionism.” An Appendix provides a measurement tool. The argument is empirically grounded and theoretically developed, allowing us to better understand trade unionism around the globe.

A interpretação constitucional dos princípios da afetividade e solidariedade familiar pelos tribunais superiores brasileiros

The Brazilian juridical ordain has suffered several transformations on Family Law as of the 1988 Federal Constitution, which incorporated the changes in socio-cultural values and behaviors that appeared in the post-modern Brazilian society, with the repersonalization of the family, beginning with the principles of human dignity, affectivity and familiar solidarity; occurring an enlargement of the concept of family, increasing the relevance of socioaffectivity and eudaimonia. The general purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the constitutional interpretations of paradigmatic cases of the Brazilian Superior Courts checking the conditions and behaviors required to achieve the principles of affectivity and familiar solidarity. To do so, uses an exploratory and descriptive research trough books, scientific papers, jurisprudence, monographs and consult to specialized magazines to identify the reasons and specific purposes of the principles of affectivity and family solidarity within the constitutional norms, systematizing the primary meaning of these principles, then to observe the trial of patriotic courts, the criteria and standards of behavior used in their application. The analysis of recent decisions of the Supreme Federal Court and the Superior Court of Justice on the topic of the familiar relations, utilizing the new interpretative approach to the law that considers man as an ontological being of language, demonstrate that the affectivity and familiar solidarity are constitutional principles concretized in decisions, that don’t affect the principle of protection of the juridical security, that is, don’t cause uncertainty despite the incipient specification of criteria to its use

Do amanhecer ao crepúsculo: o ambiente inteiro por minhas narrativas

The matrix of this dissertation research permeates the design of complex environmental education. Its purpose is the realistic utopia of sustainability focused on the elucidation of a cultural model, a way of life that can guarantee the preservation of the living and non-living wight, to compose a world in which all coexist in harmony. To do so, thinking that model permeates the understanding that we are nature. This understanding can be evidenced both in Karl Marx in his book, the Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts says: "Nature is the essential body of the human being", and Joël de Rosnay, in his book The Symbiotic Man explains that we humans, "are the neurons of the earth." In this same perspective, Elisabet Sahtouris, in his book The Dance of the Earth, has pointed out how little is accurate to say that "there is life on Earth," because we are knowledgeable that our planet is a living organism, then there is the "life of the Earth ". Thus, we are part of this life, we are a part of the whole. With long experience in the environmental field, I seek the collective understanding that environmental education is a process belonging to all areas of knowledge, while margins for its subdivision occasion that begins the role of librarian I am, as a mediator of educational, cultural process, and disseminate information, is an environmental educator. Research conducted lead me to propose a revision of values and attitudes, from a certain reorganization of thought, an ecology of ideas and action, evidenced by readings of education and complexity, especially tuned to the writings of Edgar Morin. This thesis makes use of metaphor as a cognitive operator to emphasize the solar cycle, linking it to the development stages of this work. In summary, we have as a goal to emphasize the importance of the human condition, respect for nature and the principle of natural, cultural and social interdependence. In order for us to have a society that values relationships of solidarity with each other, respect and gratitude for living beings and Mother Earth. What leads me to converge, the reframing of the environment, understanding it as Integer Environment

Políticas públicas de economia solidária: uma avaliação do PCPR II na microrregião de Angicos do Rio Grande do Norte

The Solidarity Economy is considered in this work as a development option. Talk about it is to think in the workforce as a producer of material wealth and, above all , subjective , therefore it is necessary to take into account that these relations coexist different types of practices that encompass emotions , lifestyles , etc. This research has as an object of study evaluating the effectiveness of public policy for Solidarity Economy, microrregion Angicos / RN, demonstrating how the Solidarity Economy has encouraged the development not only as a driving force for economic growth, but as the expansion capabilities and freedoms. The Solidarity Economy has several definitions, and despite having its origin in the cooperative movement, is a concept under construction. Focused on the discussion of public policy, is now understood as a proposal for employability, either as a generator of employment and income, reflecting its polymorphism. Theories and concepts developed by Amartya Sen is an important analytical tool for understanding the Solidarity Economy as a development strategy. When speaking of instrumental freedoms, Senniana theory contributes to reflection on how participants socioeconomic actions are becoming active agents of change i n their own freedoms. The analysis was based on the discussion of development beyond economic bias, using the lines of the vari ous local stakeholders with PCPR II, p hase 2, for microrregion Angicos / RN, comprising: public managers, technical advisors and beneficiaries of the program rural poverty alleviation. Besides the discussion of the economic organization of the RN and its spatial distribution, the survey brings the result that the Solidarity Economy in microrregion Angicos / RN contributed to the dev elopment as freedom, proving the effectiveness of public policy by allowing an improvement in the quality of life, enabling efetivations, even without major proportions.

A economia solidária sob a perspectiva do desenvolvimento endógeno: o caso da cooperativa de coleta seletiva e reciclagem amigos do planeta - Lauro de Freitas/BA (2004/2013)

In recent decades, the collective leadership of the Solidary Economical Enterprises (ESS) that are active in providing collection and recycling services, has been presented as a proposal for the organization of urban space with the creation of new enterprises and solidarity production chains. Are activities that have gained a new stimulus to the creation of the National Secretariat of Solidarity Economy and the National Policy on Solid Waste that assigned a leading role in these social actors. These experiences contribute to building a participatory development path, resembling with the pluralistic perspective of development of the Indian economist Amartya Sen, that goes beyond the simplistic design of the increased income, focusing on the process of expanding freedoms that people enjoy. The aim of this work is to situate the perspective of endogenous development with the Collection Services segment and Material Recycling in the field of Solidarity Economy, through the analysis of the experience of the Cooperative of Selective Collection and Recycling Friends of the planet, located in the municipality of Lauro to Freitas - BA, from 2004 to 2013. for this the following procedures were adopted: analysis of the main contributions of the international literature on the phenomenon of pluriactivity; review of national literature that analyzes the emergence and evolution of the projects of solidarity economy in Brazil; bibliographical and documentary research; and socio-economic evaluation of the EES. The guiding problem of this work, understandably, is: what is the meaning of endogenous perspective with the Materials Collection and Recycling Services segment in the field of Solidarity Economy? It starts with the hypothesis that the development of these practices requires an environment that removes the main sources of deprivation involving the conditions of existence of these enterprises. The results show that not enough development to be built with the participation of social actors, but there are minimally necessary conditions for such experiences can take hold in order to achieve their goals. Thus, not only is it a strictly economic issue, but requires political actions for a process of social transformation.

A vida em família: parentesco, relações sociais e estilo de vida entre os calons de Sobral, Ceará

This thesis analyzes the social relations of Cavalcante family of Gypsies who live in the city of Sobral, Ceará; especially as kinship relations are lived in a context marked by tensions and instability. From the domestic core ethnography conducted from January to June 2013, and observing the representations by gypsies around the family term, the goal is to show how these representations are activated to describe forms of solidarity between gypsies. To define themselves in terms of how a "big family", the ciganos to demarcate the non-Roma and prepare themselves for life in society codes that can be changed in the audience and situations. The paper discusses the role of family relationships in the forms of sociability and conflicts, matrimonial strategies, including non-gypsies, work practices, defining a gypsy lifestyle.

Questionamentos acerca de valores axiológicos no turismo: uma abordagem fenomenológica hermenêutica

The study presents the possibility of interpretation of axiological values of tourism as a practice conceived on a human being or Dasein as being-in-the-world of tourism. The value, as an object of Axiology, was considered the predictor of the human being conduct in the phenomenon reflecting this same value in tourism. The aim was to comprehend and interpret through the way of being of Dasein in tourism, which axiological values are chosen to the practice of tourism and the intentional feelings directed to these values. A phenomenological hermeneutics research with exploratory characteristics was accomplished in order to survey the values. Ten episodic interviews were conducted from the hermeneutic situation - constituted by fore-having, fore-sight and fore-conception of each Dasein interviewed, by adopting a sympathetic conduct and sympathy of Max Scheler and the use of emotional intuition to capture the intentional feelings, interpreted afterwards by the analysis of a Martin Heidegger's phenomenology in Being and Time. The results showed that, even without categorisation, the totality of the living experiences, the way of being of positive values outnumber the negatives ones in the existence of each Dasein, leading them to the Learning, which are comprising: experiences to provide self-knowledge, historical-cultural values, and memory as part of the learning experiences, hospitality as a way of openness and socio-cultural exchange, solidarity and peace. Intentional feelings directed at the values for the choice for practicing tourism were: love, happiness, pleasure, respect and trust. Four evidences were found concerning the use of sentimental perspective and intentional feeling of Scheler and regarding the logic of the heart of Pascal used by this author. The sociocultural interrelationships and exchanges form the basis for developing tourism as phenomenon. Therefore the character being-with or Mitsein is prevalent in tourism activities. Despite the learning was the purpose of the experiences, the ultimate goal was the improvement and personal enrichment of Dasein´s humanity development. The study also showed the hermeneutic phenomenological seeing opens the access of the living experiences of values, without making arbitrarily judgment and achieve "to the thing themselves", which, by the overlapping of categories, dispositions and intentional feelings, form the evaluative experiences and are possible to access through the fundamental ontology of Heidegger. The study contributes to broaden the vision concerning to the totality of tourism and the practitioners Dasein of it. As possibilities for deepening studies, was pointed out: the total person of Scheler; the care or Sorge as a form of love in Heidegger; happiness and pleasure in the practice of tourism and human flourishing or eudaimonia.

Plano de desenvolvimento sustentável e articulação de políticas públicas: o controle de políticas ambientais pelo poder judiciário

The right to the preservation of a healthy environment is perceived as a Fundamental Right, inserted in the National Constitution and referring to present and future generations. The preservation of the environment is directly connected to the right to Health and Human Dignity and, therefore, must be treated as a personal right, unavailable, claiming for a positive response from the Brazilian State, through the development of related public policies, control of potentially harmful economic activities, with special focus on the principles of precaution and solidarity. The Brazilian judiciary must thus be attentive to the guardianship of the Fundamental Right. The judiciary control over the execution of public policies is based on obeying the principle of the separation, independence and harmony between the Powers, however it should never deviate from the constitutional obligation of caring for the effectivation of the rights and guarantees within the Magna Carta. In the balance between the principle of human dignity, from which springs the right to a healthy environment and the principle of separation of powers, the former should prevail, maintaining the latter to a core minimum.

A COMUNICAÇÃO CORPORATIVA E O DISCURSO DO CONSUMIDOR CONTEMPORÂNEO NOS SITES SOCIAIS DE RECLAMAÇÃO: DECEPÇÃO E COABITAÇÃO NA REDE – DESAFIOS E OPORTUNIDADES

A expansão das redes sociais virtuais, o aperfeiçoamento das técnicas de informação, a penetrabilidade do capitalismo de concorrência e o fragmentado sujeito pós-moderno constituem, ao lado da sociedade de consumo, os pilares desta tese. Nossa hipótese central é que as redes sociais da Internet ampliam os espaços de participação, compartilhamento, colaboração e manifestação das decepções do consumidor, mas não diminuem as descontinuidades, a incompreensão e o desrespeito oriundos das relações e práticas de consumo, podendo, muitas vezes, aceleraremasconflitualidades. A abertura para o diálogo, o incitamento à tomada de poder do sujeito e a multiplicação das trocas entre empresas e consumidores representam a oportunidade e o desafio de valorizarmos a concepção normativa da comunicação, admitindo as dificuldades da intercompreensão, a urgência da coabitação e a realidade da incomunicação. Recorremos à Análise de Discurso de tradição francesa (AD) como campo teórico-metodológico para analisar o discurso do consumidor inscrito na plataforma Reclame AQUI e construir uma crítica à comunicação corporativa contemporânea; a partir dos conceitos de cenografia, ethos e esquematização enunciativa, verificamos como a ideologia opera no interior das cenas daenunciação do consumo, constituindo uma ordem própria ao discurso do reclamante decepcionado. Esta análise ratificou as discussões teóricas que levamos a cabo, servindo de suporte para a problematização e o debate das sete cenografias que se evidenciaram no/pelo discurso do sujeito/consumidor: respeito/desrespeito, ameaça, promessa e frustração, mau atendimento e problema não resolvido, negociação, clientes novos x antigos e consumidor enganado; a imbricação do nosso corpuse o arcabouço teórico coloca na ribalta a necessidade de políticas de comunicação organizacional norteadas pelo senso prático de outridade, transcendendo as relações puramente mercadológicas; ao mesmo tempo, lança luz sobre apremência de mais solidariedade, compaixão, capacidade de escuta, compreensão e coabitação para as corporações que funcionam em uma sociedade guiada pelo frenesi da ética da concorrência e da consumolatria. Esta tese evidencia que a atuação dos consumidores e das empresas no mundo on-line representa mais que um elemento circunstancial de (in) tolerância mútua; desenha um destino comum que pode ter como rumo a outridade solidária do próximo, aceitando a experiência da alteridade, o risco do fracasso e a esperança da confiança e do respeito que a comunicação pode conceber.

ENSINO DO FENÔMENO RELIGIOSO NA ESCOLA PÚBLICA: área de conhecimento necessária para uma sociedade secularizada

Ao estudarmos a evolução histórica e o panorama atual do ensino religioso no Brasil, nos deparamos hoje com o problema da exclusão mútua de duas visões do seu tratamento na escola pública: ou deve existir o ensino religioso confessional ou não deve existir nenhum tipo de ensino religioso. Superando uma visão de laicidade de abstenção ao afirmar que o religioso, por definição, não nos diz respeito ou não diz respeito à ciência, e admitindo uma laicidade de inteligência ao defender que é nosso dever ou dever da ciência compreendê-lo como expressão humana e social, o ensino do fenômeno religioso pode superar essas duas visões, a partir de uma base epistemológica sólida para esta área de conhecimento, como já é prevista pela nossa legislação. Ele garante o respeito à diversidade e à pluralidade cultural da sociedade brasileira e contribui para a compreensão do fenômeno religioso como “objeto de cultura”. Ele é capaz de subsidiar práticas de ensino do fenômeno religioso no sistema de ensino laico, sem prejuízo de sua laicidade, mas a favor dela. A educação laica para a cidadania não pode ignorar as religiões pela sua forte presença e função na sociedade. É preciso decodificar criticamente as representações e práticas religiosas em nome da convivência mais construtiva entre as pessoas e extrair das tradições religiosas valores que contribuam para a vida humana na sua plenitude. Este modelo de ensinar a religião como fenômeno antropológico, social e cultural pode ainda cumprir uma função específica no que se refere ao conhecimento de si mesmo (identidade) e do outro para a aceitação do diferente (alteridade) apontando para a construção de valores éticos e de cidadania. Esta pesquisa se baseia em um grande levantamento bibliográfico e entrevistas com especialistas em laicidade e ensino do religioso a partir da proposta de Régis Debray adotada na França. Ela nos leva a concluir que o ensino do fenômeno religioso na escola pública do Brasil não é apenas necessário, mas até indispensável, se queremos uma educação que contribua para a formação dos nossos alunos e alunas para a convivência solidária.